A new dialogue for a new India

History, whose inscrutable hand influences our individual and collective lives, rarely presents problems that have easy solutions.

History, whose inscrutable hand influences our individual and collective lives, rarely presents problems that have easy solutions. It creates complex situations with contradictory features, their complexity increasing in direct proportion to the diversity of the nation concerned.

There are pulls and pushes in different directions. Often, the diverse sections of a nation that exert these contradictory pressures are partially right in their own way. For there is, nearly always, some legitimacy in the aspirations and concerns of each section as it seeks to find its own rightful place vis-agrave;-vis the others.

In each such situation, the nation8217;s forward movement depends on the degree to which the diverse legitimacies are harmonised within an integral matrix and on the basis of certain universal principles of human progress.

The challenge before right-thinking people, therefore, is to develop the necessary integral approach, whose application can create a feeling of justice in all the constituent units of society and promote a sense of oneness among them.

This approach to nation-building requires broadmindedness, an intelligent understanding of history, an ability to learn the right lessons from the past, but also a refusal to be trapped in the swampy terrain of the past. It is easy to remember grievances inherited from history, but if one becomes imprisoned in them, it is equally difficult to redress them and move forward. After every major upheaval must come a time in our nation8217;s life when all of us can sing Prem Dhavan8217;s patriotic song from the 1960 film Hum Hindustani: 8216;Chhodo kal ki baaten, kal ki baat puraani/ Naye daur mein likhenge hum mil kar nayi kahaani/ Hum Hindustani, hum Hindustani.8217;

If this holds true for the Hindu-Muslim relationship in general, it is truer still, specifically, for the RSS-Muslim and BJP-Muslim relationship. That the differences between the Sangh Parivar and Indian Muslims are not irreconcilable has been shown persuasively, I think, by my references to the views of 8216;Guruji8217; Golwalkar, the former chief of the RSS and its most important ideologue, in the previous two columns.

Some readers have asked, 8220;But what about Golwalkar8217;s controversial thoughts on Muslims in his book, We, or Our Nationhood Defined?8221; The RSS has disowned and withdrawn this 1938 work, and it does not find a place in the 12-volume collected works of Golwalkar published in 2006 to mark his birth centenary. This has strengthened the basis for a constructive RSS-Muslim dialogue. The same can be said about the basis for transforming the relationship between Muslims and the BJP, whose chief ideologue, Pandit Deendayal Upadhyaya 1916-1967 had declared in his presidential speech of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh that all Indians, irrespective of their caste or creed, are 8220;flesh of our flesh and blood of our blood.8221;

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True, no relationship that is plagued by prolonged lack of trust can be transformed by expression of fine sentiments alone. The ties between Muslims and the Sangh Parivar have become embittered due to many historical factors, and both sides have their own narratives and explanations for it. Both must share responsibility for the problem, and both have an obligation to resolve it in the larger interest of the nation. On their part, many representatives of the Muslim community are ready for a dialogue, but what they are looking for is sincerity on the part of the RSS and the BJP.

In a lengthy and constructive response to my current series of articles, Mirza Faisal Beg has written in a highly-readable blog indianmuslims.in: 8220;The prerequisite of a sincere dialogue is to lend an ear to the other party completely. It cannot be done by stretching a friendly hand at one end but acting in a completely different way at the other end.8221;

On its part, the RSS has initiated, since the end of 2002, a low-key and away-from-publicity dialogue with the Muslim community. Over 250 meetings have been held in different parts of the country under the banner of the Rashtravadi Muslim Tanzeem, with local Muslim organisations taking the lead. The platform has published a book, Indian Muslims in a Nationalist Perspective, which has articles by several RSS leaders and Muslims scholars. Indresh Kumar, a senior and well-respected functionary of the RSS who is spearheading this effort, says, 8220;Our approach is, nafrat bhi nahin, tushtikaran bhi nahin Neither hatred, nor appeasement. The response is encouraging.8221;

RSS chief K.C. Sudarshan has attended several of these meetings. Mohammed Afzal, a leading activist of this movement, is confident that the interaction would get a boost during 2007-08, when he and his colleagues plan to organise yearlong programmes to honour both Hindu and Muslim martyrs of 1857 on its150th anniversary and 1947 on its 60th anniversary. Muslims should welcome this initiative.

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In taking this initiative forward, the RSS and the BJP face a dilemma: 8220;Will we alienate our core support base?8221; This dilemma can be overcome if a genuinely integral approach to nationalism is adopted. The RSS is engaged in a laudable mission of developing unity and equality in the Hindu community. But why should efforts to promote Hindu unity be based on antagonism towards Muslims, as can unfortunately be seen in the approach of some VHP leaders? It is therefore the responsibility of the RSS-BJP leadership to educate their core supporters that reaching out to Muslims on a nationalist platform does not weaken, but rather strengthens, the cause of Indian nationalism.

Next week: A Common Minimum Programme to transform BJP-Muslim relationship