The strongman BJP needs: Why Ganesh Naik has been picked to take on Eknath Shinde as Maharashtra local polls approach

In his four-decade-long public life, Naik has built a reputation for asserting himself in difficult political settings and challenging powerful leaders. In the past, he broke ranks with Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray and held his ground against the party in Thane, once commanded by Shinde’s mentor Anand Dighe.

Born in Bonkode, a small village in present-day Navi Mumbai that gradually urbanised due to the Trans Thane Creek (TTC) MIDC Industrial Zone, Naik emerged as one of the first in the area to take up labour and civic concerns. His political grounding came early as he assumed responsibilities in the Mathadi (head loader) and industrial labour unions in the TTC as a teenager, mediating disputes and helping local youth find employment.

This labour network became his core support base and naturally aligned with the Sena’s expansion into Navi Mumbai in the late 1970s. Strongly backed by their support, Naik soon became the Sena’s face in Vashi, Nerul, Airoli, Turbhe, Ghansoli, and the TTC belt.

By the 1980s, Naik had firmly established himself in Navi Mumbai, but his rise within the Shiv Sena was anything but smooth. As the party expanded, Naik’s turf increasingly overlapped with Dighe’s, forcing Thackeray to intervene and declare Navi Mumbai as Naik’s domain.

Naik’s first major electoral victory came in the 1990 Assembly polls from the Belapur seat. Five years later, he was appointed a minister in the Manohar Joshi-led Cabinet in the Shiv Sena–BJP government.

However, Naik’s assertive style soon brought him into conflict with both Joshi and Thackeray. He frequently disagreed with Joshi on departmental issues and publicly criticised the CM, something that was rare in the Sena. Naik refused to resign as minister and was eventually ousted by Joshi with Thackeray’s approval.

In the late 1990s, internal friction also spilled over into local politics as the Sena lost control of the Navi Mumbai Municipal Corporation. The final blow came in 1999, when Naik switched to the newly formed Nationalist Congress Party (NCP). However, in the Assembly polls later that year, Naik tasted defeat.

The post-Sena journey

Naik lay low for a few years after his defeat before making a comeback as an NCP MLA from Belapur in 2004. He was appointed Excise Minister and went on to hold several key portfolios over the next decade, further strengthening his influence across Navi Mumbai’s civic and industrial corridors.

In 2014, Naik was defeated by the BJP’s Manda Mhatre, a former associate who accused him of corruption. The loss, coupled with the BJP’s growing dominance in Maharashtra, pushed Naik closer to the party. He eventually joined the BJP in 2019 ahead of the Assembly elections, winning the Airoli seat for the party.

However, the BJP stopped short of inducting him into the Cabinet due to his long-standing rivalry with Shinde. He finally made the cut five years later as Forest Minister, with Devendra Fadnavis back as Deputy Chief Minister. Since then, the BJP has used him strategically in the MMR, particularly in Thane, where Shinde’s clout is strongest.

Why he is BJP’s go-to man

Apart from his rivalry with Shinde, Naik’s influence in the MMR and Navi Mumbai gives the BJP a parallel base in areas seen to be controlled by the Deputy CM.

Naik’s long-standing presence in the TTC and his links with workers and contractors enable him to mobilise support quickly. His political independence and history of challenging towering figures like Thackeray, Dighe, and Joshi — without fearing the political cost — make him one of the few leaders capable of taking on Shinde in his own backyard.

Naik also brings a functioning local organisation to the table, while his network of corporators and former MLAs gives the BJP ground support across Navi Mumbai and areas of Thane where Shinde’s reach is limited.

The Forest Minister’s social ties have also worked in his favour. While he remains rooted in Mathadi and Marathi-speaking communities, and among Agri-Koli groups, he has over time built a strong base among Gujaratis, Muslims, North Indians, and OBCs.

In a region where development and planning decisions shape political outcomes, Naik’s deep understanding of the working of CIDCO, NMMC, and other local bodies makes him an ideal choice for the BJP.