Opinion Yogendra Yadav writes: Ahead of polls, let’s talk about the real problem in Delhi

Nothing of that sort is happening in the ongoing political contestation in Delhi. As I type these lines, AAP has released its 15 new guarantees for the voters of Delhi, besides retaining the six ongoing schemes. Air pollution does not figure in this long list, not even as a bland repetition of the generic promise made in 2020 election to cut down pollution by one-third. The damning thing is that a ruling party desperate to stem its loss of popularity, does not feel clean air is going to matter to its chances of re-election. The BJP manifesto makes vague promises to cut down pollution by half with the help of flimsy steps like more sprinklers and WAYU instruments etc. The Congress is yet to speak on this. More than manifestos, what matters is that the issue of air pollution features nowhere — not even as a notable distraction as Yamuna pollution has — in the daily circus of allegations and counter-allegations that pass off as political debates.

Here, then, is a political equivalent of what economists call “market failure” — the demand and supply equilibrium does not work out. We do not know if AAP will retain its government. But we do know that air pollution is not going to be the reason for its victory or loss.

This democratic failure is deeper than it appears. Some of the most common reasons why electoral democracies fail to offer to the voters what they need do not apply in this case. Unlike inequality, pollution is visible. Unlike monetary policy, its consequences are within the grasp of ordinary people. Though environmental consciousness here is not as high as in Karnataka or Kerala, more voters understand AQI in Delhi than they do in most other parts of the country. Even if they don’t, smog is there for everyone to see. Besides, this is one issue that the “national” media does take up. The Indian elite — that loves to call itself “middle class” — has managed to insulate itself from the lives of ordinary Indians in every respect, but they have not yet managed a parallel supply of air, notwithstanding air-purifiers. Therefore, unlike poverty, education and health, air pollution does grab TV headlines. Besides, elections are held in winter when pollution is more visible. In other words, even though it is difficult to mobilise people on an intangible issue like air pollution, the “demand side” of democratic mechanism is not where the real problem lies.

Air pollution is a classic case of “supply side” failure in democracy. Something may well be a real need of the people, the need may turn into a demand and the demand may be articulated powerfully. Yet, political parties need not respond to it. Citizens’ needs and demands become an effective political issue only when leading political parties compete with one another to make better and more credible offers. In many cases, the parties may not do so either because they don’t have much to offer or they don’t want to. If the leading competitors collude to keep an issue outside their competition, the voters have few choices. In principle, they can support a new party, but that’s very rare — the barriers to entry in the electoral arena are simply too high.

That’s the real problem in Delhi. Through their acts of omission and commission, both AAP and BJP are implicated in the worsening of the pollution crisis in Delhi. The AAP government has done little to redeem its 2020 election “guarantee” to reduce pollution by one-third. It promised to add 2 crore trees in the city; records show that forest cover in Delhi has reduced in the last five years. The BJP too has a lot to answer for. The Modi government’s much-flaunted National Clean Air Programme has failed to clean the air; the MCD has been synonymous with dirt and corruption. The last time any government in Delhi did anything substantial to cut air pollution was the Sheila Dixit led Congress government’s move to convert bus fleets to CNG. There is no one to push and expand that agenda aggressively today. While everyone loves to blame farmers, no government is willing to compensate them adequately so that they don’t burn crop residue. No government or political party is willing to take on the serious issue of industrial and vehicular pollution in Delhi, for it affects vested interests. So, it is safe to wait for the courts to order emergency measures. Or, to indulge the public with gimmicks like sprinkling of roads or smog towers. And to keep debating sheesh mahal and Rohingyas.

This is a lesson not just about air pollution or Delhi. It is a lesson in the theory of democratic that tells us why Covid deaths, endemic poverty, poor-quality education or health services do not become election issues. People’s will prevails in an electoral democracy only if and when a series of conditions apply, which they rarely do. In real-life democracies, parties and leaders do not respond to issues framed by voters; voters respond to issues delimited by parties. Unless the citizen come together to force parties to take up the issues that matter to them, the mechanism of election does not work for them. The voters are sporadic sovereigns who mostly choose from what they can choose from.

The writer is member, Swaraj India, and national convenor of Bharat Jodo Abhiyaan. Views are personal