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Opinion The October stakes

It’s hard not to miss the belligerent tone in RSS sarsanghchalak Mohan Bhagwat’s speeches,post-Vijayadashmi.

Suman K Jha

October 20, 2009 02:28 AM IST First published on: Oct 20, 2009 at 02:28 AM IST

It’s hard not to miss the belligerent tone in RSS sarsanghchalak Mohan Bhagwat’s speeches,post-Vijayadashmi. After having started on a reformist note — he repeatedly invoked Abdul Kalam and Verghese Kurien in his first few speeches after taking over as RSS sarsanghachalak early this year,to explain “his idea of an inclusive Hindu way of life” — Bhagwat has been overtly political in his pronouncements lately.

He spoke about a “swayamsevak chief minister setting an example for others” (Karnataka chief minister B.S. Yeddyurappa’s “statue diplomacy” with his Tamil Nadu chief minister M. Karunanidhi); stressed the need to restore the “pre-August 15,1947 map of the Indian Union”; and last week,like a veteran demagogue,warned China against “its designs on India”. “India has the wherewithal to divide China into three parts,were such a need to arise,” he reportedly said.

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Some may be tempted to read Bhagwat’s speeches as the usual RSS stuff. There is,however,a pattern discernible. After his three days in Delhi this August,when every single BJP leader of note knocked on his door,Bhagwat asked them to “behave and function like a team”. Seeing no signs of his “shape up or ship out message” getting through on the ground,the RSS chief,it appears,has arrogated to himself the demagogic role that had made the BJP president proud until a few months ago (one of the favourite themes of BJP president Rajnath Singh has been on “how India should deal with Pakistan and POK”).

Bhagwat’s message,evidently,has gone down well with the BJP cadre. The IIT-educated Goa BJP leader Manohar Parrikar,whose name has been discussed as a “future prospect”,often likes to temper his speeches with “his being a bal swayamsevak”. Some of the central party’s lawyer-turned-spokespersons,too,spare no effort in convincing others how “they are thoroughbred swayamsevaks”.

The party has taken Bhagwat’s “sampurna desh ko sanghmaya banaeyin” (“the RSS should permeate the nation’s consciousness”) message,given in his Delhi Vijayadashmi speech,a tad too seriously; the original project to restore and protect the autonomy of the BJP thus has taken a severe beating.

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In one of his finest moments,L.K. Advani,in his by-now-famous 2005 Chennai speech,had warned against the perception that the RSS interferes in the day-to-day functioning of the BJP. With Advani considerably weakened,there’s little to show that the coming weeks will see order returning to the BJP,and with it resolve to fight the Sangh’s tightening grip.

Consider this: The BJP lost the election in the states of Arunachal Pradesh and Haryana even before the match began. Its best-known face,and someone who acted as Advani’s point man in the North-East,Kiren Rijiju,left the party — after being declared its chief ministerial candidate in Arunachal Pradesh. In Haryana,the party’s strategy vis-à-vis Chautala and the Haryana Janhit Congress,is often decided by the factional feud between powerful central leaders.

In Maharashtra,it struggled to nuance is position on “outsiders”; under severe pressure from Raj Thackeray,and then its own ally,the Shiv Sena,it stopped just short of supporting a permit-system for outsiders coming to the state — leaving its allies outside the state squirming. In the name of “winnability”,the party nominated the kith and kin of powerful satraps,after earlier setting an example elsewhere. The party is,however,resigned to a Congress-NCP comeback,when votes are counted on October 22 here as well.

Thus,when the BJP’s Parliamentary Board meets after the results,it will probably,again,discuss the Vasundhara Raje episode rather than the elections. This highlights what ails the party. Raje’s fight — essentially between the Centre’s arbitrariness and the State’s right to have its own say in deciding its fate — has been converted into yet another slugfest between the warring groups in the central BJP.

The decision on October 22,and even in the coming weeks,therefore,is unlikely to help. A new team,as also a new party president,will be in place by year-end,or early next year. This interregnum,till that new order is established,will be used by every single player in the party to protect their own little turf. In all probability,Advani would have made his future plans — on distancing himself from day-to-day affairs in the party — public by then too.

It’s unlikely,however,that the new order will be able to redeem the BJP,given the systemic collapse it has suffered,especially after the recent parliamentary elections. The vacuum in the organisation will likely only help the Sangh tighten its stranglehold. The BJP’s vision of defining the second pole of Indian politics will lie severely compromised in the process.

suman.jha@expressindia.com

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