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This is an archive article published on December 14, 2010
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Opinion It’s not over yet

Something’s still got to give in this high-stakes parliamentary stand-off

December 14, 2010 02:41 AM IST First published on: Dec 14, 2010 at 02:41 AM IST

The winter session of Parliament ended on Monday without having transacted any of the usual business of the House. No debates or discussions on matters of public interest,no special mentions,no Zero Hour,no questions were answered orally and no supplementaries raised. In his valedictory address,Rajya Sabha Chairperson Hamid Ansari pointed out that out of the 23 working days,the Upper House sat for a mere two hours and 44 minutes and most of this time was taken up in just adjournments and disruptions. He urged all sections of the House to meditate on the sorry state of affairs.

Unfortunately,neither the government nor the opposition seems in a mood to look within and back down from their stated positions on the demand for a joint parliamentary committee (JPC) to probe the 2G spectrum allocation. Some in the government may have heaved a sigh of relief at the end of the charade the two sides enacted throughout the month-long Parliament session,but hopes of a reprieve are misplaced. The opposition now proposes to hold a series of rallies and take the demand to the streets. Corruption,which had become a secondary issue in political discourse in recent years,is back at the top of the agenda and the glue holding together a disparate opposition. As of now,there appears to be every likelihood of the opposition persisting with disruptive tactics when Parliament meets for the budget session in February.

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The scenario is reminiscent of 1987 when the opposition had similarly paralysed Parliament for a prolonged period demanding a JPC into the Bofors contract. It took the Rajiv Gandhi government a full 45 days to finally concede a JPC on Bofors. This time,however,the government seems adamant on not giving in. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh,while expressing concern over the future of the parliamentary system,did not offer any solution to end the deadlock. Sonia Gandhi scoffed at the BJP for its double standards and doublespeak on corruption and warned that Indians would take a dim view of the way the opposition has mocked Parliament. A line of speculation making the rounds in political circles is that a mid-term poll may be the only way out of the impasse. This is an unlikely possibility,considering that the Manmohan Singh government has three-and-a-half years left of its five-year term and knows that it is on a much weaker wicket than it was less than a year ago.

It may be difficult,however,for UPA 2 to live down its image as a lame-duck government so early in its term. One key ally,Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress,has been less than supportive on the JPC demand. The Congress’s relations with another ally,the DMK,are increasingly strained. It was a DMK minister who got the UPA into this muddle. Besides,the state Congress apprehends that its ally’s prospects in the forthcoming Tamil Nadu assembly elections may not be all that bright.

Short of a JPC,the ruling party has brandished every other option to convince a very recalcitrant opposition that it too is keen to get to the bottom of the 2G scam,perhaps the biggest corruption case in the country’s history.

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A. Raja was finally pushed out of the telecommunication portfolio kicking and screaming when the DMK,after stoutly resisting Raja’s removal for over a year,caved in meekly. Realisation has dawned that the balance of power in its equation with the Congress has shifted in favour of the latter in the run-up to next year’s assembly polls. CBI investigations have begun with a lot of sound and fury,but this may well signify nothing. Sceptics point out the much publicised series of raids and the alleged recovery of diaries are a year late.

The Congress insists that the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) inquire into the 2G allotments,rather than a JPC. But the only person who seems to have bitten that bait is BJP MP Murli Manohar Joshi,who,as chairperson of the PAC,was hoping to grab the limelight. Joshi’s efforts to rush ahead with the PAC probe were nipped in the bud by his indignant NDA colleagues,who pointed out that he was undermining the demand for a JPC.

The finer distinctions between the PAC and a JPC are lost on most people. The former acts on the basis of CAG reports and ministers are not called before the committee to give evidence. A JPC,on the other hand,can focus on whatever aspect it chooses,including government policy,and can call for documents and summon evidence from all and sundry,even the prime minister. The Congress therefore apprehends a fishing expedition with almost no boundaries and with little chance of any concrete result. It cites the four earlier JPCs,which generated headlines but turned out eventually to be damp squibs,with most of the committee recommendations ignored by the government. For instance,in the Bofors case,it was the media,not the JPC,which unearthed the many clues to the pay-offs. In fact representatives of the Swedish firm had been cautioned by the Indian government not to disclose any details before the Indian parliamentary committee. As a consequence,the Bofors JPC performed a cover-up operation.

The official position of the UPA is that JPCs are a waste of public money and time. But these two considerations have seldom weighed with the government when ordering inquiries. To scuttle the JPC demand,Telecom Minister Kapil Sibal hastily ordered an additional inquiry into the telecom scam by a retired Supreme Court judge even when Parliament was in session,inviting charges of breach of privilege. The government is clearly running scared that a JPC could open a Pandora’s box. A JPC could well be a platform for the opposition to grandstand and leak information,thereby embarrassing the government on a daily basis.

History shows that no government has ever been returned to power after setting up a JPC to look into skulduggery. Small wonder that neither side seems prepared to yield.

coomi.kapoor@expressindia.com

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