Opinion Sanjay Jha writes on Ghulam Nabi Azad’s resignation: Congress needs a Priyanka Gandhi-Sachin Pilot ticket
Rahul Gandhi must take the blame for barricading himself from his well-meaning party colleagues. But Congress can still upset BJP applecart
Ghulam Nabi Azad has ensured that his earth-shattering resignation has at least temporarily hijacked, if not somewhat smeared, Congress’s call for a national renewal. (Express) 
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There are many who appeared gobsmacked by erstwhile (seems rather strange referring to him as the former stalwart) Congress veteran Ghulam Nabi Azad’s resignation from the party. The timing was characteristically spectacular; the grand old party, somnambulating for the most part since 2014, has been showing some signs of resuscitation with the announcement of the Bharat Jodo Yatra. That’s what smart politicians do — they ensure amplification of their messaging.
Azad has ensured that his earth-shattering resignation has at least temporarily hijacked, if not somewhat smeared, Congress’s call for a national renewal, a second freedom struggle of sorts against the authoritarian predispositions and sectarian manifestations of the BJP-led NDA government. His letter is unambiguous in terms of what and who he holds singularly responsible for his bye-bye moment — former Congress President Rahul Gandhi and his new kids on the block. Ask the disgruntled members of G-23 and they will agree with Azad’s comments. The majority of Congress members, however, for decades conditioned to the formidable might of the Gandhi family name, will treat Azad’s resignation as an act of exaggerated self-importance of an ageing stalwart in the December of his political career. And therein lies the problem. The Congress is refusing to see the writing on the wall. That is why they cannot read it. One should treat every resignation seriously. Do a biopsy of it.
The notorious word “coterie”, a cabal of dubious lieutenants of the 1970s is back in circulation, because the grand old party has become an anachronism even as India has moved ahead. Tragically, it is the Congress that has constructed modern India, despite some terrible aberrations like the Emergency, establishing a democratic infrastructure, unleashing the animal spirit of economic liberalisation and privatisation, hi-tech and revolutionary telecom penetration. So how come the current existential dilemma amidst a climate of utter despondency? It all points towards leadership. There is a popular adage that is often used in the corporate world: A company becomes like its leader. It is no different for a political organisation. So let us go back to who Azad is explicitly targeting, Rahul Gandhi.
Ever since the lethal blowout in the 2014 general elections, the Congress has been atrophying at a galloping rate. It needed an inspirational leader, someone who motivates cadres, engages energetically with seniors and leaders across tiers and encourages a political culture of candid conversations. That’s what internal democracy is about. Instead, Rahul Gandhi, abruptly thrust into the forefront in 2013, went into a cocoon. He literally disappeared, surfacing sporadically during state assembly elections as a star campaigner. His “Suit Boot Ki Sarkar” and “Fair and Lovely” were masterstroke soundbites, but the consistency eviscerated in a bit. I tried meeting Rahul myself with a detailed PPT presentation that Prashant Kishor would have found intellectually stimulating perhaps but was stalled by his obdurate gatekeepers. Ideation was replaced by genuflecting adulation. A leader, hugely fortified by SPG security, can often be given a visa to hallucination island by self-serving parasites. It is this caucus that has Azad, Anand Sharma and even Jaiveer Shergill hopping mad. The buck stops at the top, and Rahul must take the blame for barricading himself from his own well-meaning party colleagues.
One of the illustrious members of this august coterie once put forth his preposterous theory to me; “The Congress must strictly avoid TV shows. Once the Congress vs BJP slugfest is off the menu card, their TV ratings will drop. And we will not be subjected to unwarranted prejudices of TV anchors”. His advice clearly worked because following the 2019 Lok Sabha defeat, the party boycotted TV channels for an extended period. I spoke fervently against the palpably counterintuitive idea arguing that mainstream media is a vehicle for public outreach, especially for an opposition party. Abandoning the platform altogether was committing hara-kiri. A miffed member of Rahul’s team subtly conveyed to me: “Lay off or there will be consequences”. Six months later, a suitably chastised Congress was back in the TV studios. There are innumerable such instances that perhaps Azad and Sharma can cite that had them feeling short-charged, disparaged. Fact is that Rahul’s band of boys (some are astute political entrepreneurs on a self-serving mission) have become an unassailable lobby because Rahul prefers to work with interlocutors rather than engage directly. This circuitous antediluvian model of communication has clearly boomeranged.
Ironically, despite the several setbacks and the continuing headwinds, the Congress still possesses exceptional talent, political experience, policy formulation capabilities, organisational base, and frontal organisations to galvanize the disillusioned voter. It also remains the true inheritor of the fast vapourising Idea of India. A week is a long time in politics. A rejuvenated Congress can still upset the arrogant BJP’s applecart in several state elections till December 2023 where the two parties are in a head-to-head contest (Gujarat, HP, Karnataka, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Telangana, Chhattisgarh). But it needs to be bold. Pragmatic. And think out of the box instead of its traditional tunnel vision approach. Instead of being irrationally obstinate, they should let Rahul fight the battle without necessarily being the numero uno. The Congress needs a Priyanka Gandhi-Sachin Pilot ticket.
Priyanka possesses a natural charisma, enjoys meeting people from all walks of life, and thoroughly relishes the big fight. She will also keep the Gandhi loyalists both within the party and outside content that the once-magical political brand is not going anywhere. And Pilot, a hardworking ambitious man who enjoys the theatre of political contests, can kickstart a bottom-up revival of the party. It is possible. But will the Congress dare to reinvent itself or fade away, ensconced in its make-believe notion of infallibility? They should remember that “too big to fail” is a risky gamble. Ask Lehman Brothers. Or the two big traditional parties in France, the Socialists and Les Republicans who are virtually non-existent today.
Not just Azad but India will be watching.
The writer is a former spokesperson of the Congress
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