Opinion Bihars make-or-break moment
This assembly election will be critical for all key parties
One of the most politicised states in the country,Bihar,goes to the polls later this month and the outcome could be a political indicator for the rest of the country. If few are willing to wager on the result,it is because of several imponderables. Will caste loyalties prevail over administrative performance? Will religious identity matter? Can the BJP and the JD(U),playing to conflicting social constituencies,really gel together as partners? In a three-way division of votes,do voters opt for their first preference or for the candidate most likely to defeat the party they perceive as enemy number one? Small wonder that Chief Minister Nitish Kumar,in his blog,called this a make-or-mar election. Much like Narendra Modis Gujarat campaign,Nitish has talked up Bihar pride,saying Being a Bihari henceforth will be a matter of maan,and not apmaan.
No one disputes that,as chief minister,Nitish Kumar has wrought a phenomenal change in a state that stagnated for15 years under Lalu Prasad. Even Lalu does not seriously question Bihars progress,taking cover by claiming he could have done the same thing if the Centre had given him more funds. Ordinary Biharis feel more secure today,with some 38,000 people having been put in jail for violating the Arms Act. During 2008-9,2,417 km of road were constructed as against a mere 384 km in 2004-2005,the RJDs last year in office.
Nitish has focused on building a new support base for himself of EBCs (extremely backward OBCs) and Mahadalits (the most deprived of the Scheduled Castes),even offering them reservations at the panchayat level. But his campaign for social uplift of the most backward sections has alienated the Brahmins and Bhumihars,who resent upheaval in the social order. In the NDA,caste rivalries over ticket allotment has led to much bitterness,and it was after considerable manoeuvring that the BJP state president,C.P. Thakur,was persuaded to take back his resignation. The Congress hopes to exploit upper-caste resentment. It is also making a special pitch for Muslim votes,allotting 33 per cent of the partys tickets to minorities.
Bihars 15 per cent Muslim population could have considerable impact on the outcome. The Congresss Muslim strategy received a major jolt with the Ayodhya title deed judgment by the Allahabad high court. Many Muslims hold both the Congress and the BJP responsible for the mosque demolition. Lalu,who points out proudly that he stopped the rath yatra and arrested L.K. Advani in 1990,may reap the benefits. Nitish,despite his special effort to establish his credentials with the Muslim community,finds it difficult to explain his partnership with the BJP. Narendra Modi may not be invited to Bihar,but BJP leaders Advani and Ravi Shankar Prasad,champions of the temple movement,are certainly planning to campaign.
Lalu pins his hopes of a comeback on cobbling together his old Muslim and Yadav vote-bank. His supporters point out that he won his earlier assembly elections by capturing between 25 to 30 per cent of the popular vote. Even when he lost in October 2005,his vote-share had declined only marginally to 23.5 per cent.
All the key players in this poll have much at stake. For Lalu Prasad and his alliance partner Ram Vilas Paswan,it is a question of political survival. A third defeat in a row for Lalu (the 2005 assembly polls and the 2009 parliamentary polls) would mean further marginalisation of Bihars charismatic grassroots leader,who has even appointed his son Tejaswi as his political heir. The Congress is hoping for a revival of its fortunes,after a long spell in the wilderness. Even if it is not the front-runner,the Congress aspires to a reasonably good showing. If it succeeds,it would establish that the Rahul Gandhi-Digvijaya Singh strategy of going it alone in states where the Congress has lost its traditional base is working. It would be a morale-booster before the UP assembly polls of 2012. For the BJP,defeat would probably lead to a split in its 16-year-old alliance with the JD(U) and,with that,the gradual dissolution of the NDA. Nitish might decide it makes better political sense to fight elections on his own.
For Nitish,victory would be a vindication of his policies and proof that good governance can overcome caste and communal ties in a state where both are major factors. The credit would go almost entirely to him,since he runs the state as a one-man show. Nitish would emerge much taller in national politics; in fact he would automatically be counted among potential prime ministerial prospects for the NDA.
coomi.kapoor@expressindia.com