
After nearly a year and a half of vigorous debate, the US Congress has finally voted to end a long-festering nuclear dispute between New Delhi and Washington and facilitate a strong strategic partnership. As sceptics pore over the language of the new US law on nuclear cooperation with India, it is easy to forget the historic significance of what the Congress has accomplished Friday night. Since May 1974, when India conducted its first nuclear test, the US Congress has relentlessly toughened its non-proliferation laws. Consequently, India became ineligible for any civilian nuclear cooperation with the US and the world. A growing nuclear divergence became the principal hurdle to the realisation of the full potential of Indo-US relationship.
Thirty-two years later, egged on by the Bush administration, the US Congress has now crafted a nuclear exception for India. That Democrats and Republicans agreed to do this as the first order of business amidst bitter political divisiveness underlines the American consensus in favour of a future-oriented relationship with a rising India. In getting to move from the nuclear doghouse to the clubhouse, India inevitably had to give something in return. Its commitments included a plan to separate civilian and military programmes, place the former under international safeguards, and support global efforts to prevent further proliferation. India8217;s nuclear separation was long overdue to generate efficiencies in both civilian and military programmes. And it had instinctively pursued a responsible policy on nuclear non-proliferation.
Given the legacy of mutual distrust, the scale of change demanded by the nuclear deal, and the noisy nature of the two democracies, it was natural that the debate in both Washington and New Delhi was as vibrant as it was acrimonious. On Friday night the US debate came to a closure in Washington. Our political classes, too, must now close ranks and focus on the responsibilities that come with being an acknowledged nuclear weapon power. For all its endless fears, the Department of Atomic Energy now has an opportunity to become part of global high technology flows, contribute to the nation8217;s energy security and concentrate on advanced nuclear research. As its long isolation comes to an end, the DAE needs to initiate sweeping reform that will allow it to take full advantage of a world that is inviting us back in.