
It is crucial that Rajasthan8217;s Gurjjar agitation, that is now spreading to neighbouring states, be understood in a context broader than that defined by local political calculus; although Vasundhara Raje8217;s ability to handle the fallout has interesting implications on the larger narrative of how modernist chief ministers reconcile new governance themes with older political stories and promises. The most significant and alarming image on the broad canvas is that of politics as a hostage to identity power play. Of course, many caste claims, like those of the Gurjjars, have a long, complicated history. But in competitive open politics, the long latent receives the critical shove from particular combinations of current political practices. Such a combination, it can be argued, is in the process of being forged.
To argue for affirmative action on the basis of some rational criterion is a no-brainer in Indian public policy 8212; no one can really be against it. But this consensus has been manipulated, occasionally brutally, by the political class over the years. A sharp new twist has been added by the political correctness that has been demanded since the extra reservation in higher education debate began. It is no longer possible to be in politics and argue against the social and economic basis of current reservation policies. It is no longer possible to divorce quotas from community-fuelled power plays. Fairness, as our columnist today argues, no longer has anything to do with what politicians call affirmative action. To this mix is added that fatal flaw of Indian statecraft 8212; ad hocism. The way governments decide on the classification of communities is acutely vulnerable to charges of arbitrariness or favouritism or both.