Don’t repeat Jinnah’s follies

How did things reach such a pass? Syed Shahabuddin gives the following details. In the 1998 generalelections, 30 Muslims were elected to the Lok Sabha, 11 from 11 Muslim majority constituencies, 15 from 59 Muslim-concentration constituencies and four from the rest of 473 constituencies. This was considered inadequate. Muslim parliamentarians met in October 1998 and cautioned the political parties of the Muslims’ growing anxiety about persistent under-representation in legislatures and, therefore, with the secular order itself and requested them to field more Muslim candidates and not to divide the secular votes in general and the Muslim votes in particular, in Muslim’ constituencies. The secular political parties paid no attention.

Then in May 1999, the Muslim elite, for the first time after Independence, ca-me forward to adopt a Declaration on Empowerment of the Muslim Indians which asked for equitable representation of the community in the central and state legislatures. Once again the secular political parties ignored the appeal.

A third initiative was taken jointly by five premier Muslimorganisations, the Majlis-e- Mushawarat, the Milli Council, the Jamiat-ul-Ulema, the Jamaat-e-Islami and the Muslim Personal Law Board. They submitted a Muslim agenda to the major political parties for incorporation in their manifestos. But the secular parties did not pay any heed.

“If the election manifestos of the Congress and the CPM are any indication, the secular pa-rties have simply ignored the anguish of the Muslim community at their continued deprivation and their poor share in the development outlay”, admits Syed Shahabuddin. Why is it that not one political party, not even those dependent on Muslim votes, has paid heed to any of the legitimate Muslim demands? In Syed Shahabuddin’s confessional article, two reasons are given.

First, no political party with the possible exception of the BSP in UP and the RJD in Bihar, is prepared to take the risk of fielding Muslim candidates even in a majority of “Muslim” constituencies because, with all their commitment to secularism, they are unable totransfer their non-Muslim votes to Muslim candidates.

Second, no political party is secular enough to give the Muslims their due if this would mean blotting its books in the hundreds of Hindu-dominated constituencies. No secular party wants to be perceived as making any accommodation, far less any concession, to the Muslim community. So at best it offers some sops and some unwinnable Muslim candidates to attract as many Muslim votes as possible, without losing any Hindu support.

Thus, in the assessment of all political parties (not just BJP-Shiv Sena), all sections of the majority community are opposed to any just or fair treatment being given to the Muslims. And this is the real problem, Syed Shahabuddin. If you and other self-styled Muslim leaders do indeed want to contribute to Muslim welfare, instead of just wanting to enter Parliament or assemblies, you must suggest ways and means to bridge this gulf that apparently separates the two major communities.

The first question before the Muslimintelligentsia should be: why this gulf and what can we ourselves do to bridge it. For it would be foolish to expect any of the so-called secular parties to be of any help. If they have their way, they would only try and deepen the mistrust further. This problem has been the fulcrum of their politics. Even in the elections of 1952, 1957 and 1962, for instance, when the Congress faced hardly any opposition, it gave tickets on the basis of caste and community. Even a leader of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad’s stature was asked to contest from Muslim-dominated Rampur. But despite this realisation, Muslim leaders seem determined to repeat history and continue with their folly of pursuing exclusivist, divisive and confrontationist policies. Their advice in the recent elections was: Muslims should vote for the most winnable Muslim candidate in the 70 “Muslim” constituencies and in the other 473 for the strongest candidate capable of defeating the BJP/NDA.” We came back to square one. Why should a Muslim have aimed atdefeating the BJP, which meant electing the so-called secular parties, when the Muslim leadership itself had made it clear that secular parties were not secular enough to do any good? Strange logic indeed!

But it doesn’t end there. Their bizarre sense of logic leads them to other equally bizarre conclusions. As Hindus of all castes are so hostile to Muslims that no political party is able to get its votes transferred to Muslim candidates, the Muslims who constitute a mere 12 per cent of the population should form their own political party. What for?

This is a clear throwback to the late 1920s. Disillusioned with the Congress brand of secularism, Mohammed Ali Jinnah decided to break his links with the Congress and concentrate on separatist politics. The consequences of that decision are well-known. The Muslims got partitioned into three parts, none of which is able to grow to its full potential.

If the Muslim leadership is incapable of fresh thinking, and bent on repeating past mistakes, it would be bestif it left us alone. If the entire Muslim elite can gather and come up with nothing more than demanding reservations for the sake of empowering Muslims, it would be best for them to stop exercising their tired brains.

The writer specialises in Muslim politics and culture