"The original Nizams must be turning in their graves,” remarked an ageing poet, who calls himself Barkat, one of the thousands of heirs of the Nizams of Hyderabad. “There is no princely state, no ruler, no crown. No one has seen the royal vaults full of precious stones and wads of cash. Still, they are appointing themselves as Nizams of Asaf Jahi dynasty, which ended decades ago,” says Barkat, mirth visible on his weathered face. The Asaf Jahi dynasty, which came into existence in the early 18th century, during the Mughal Empire, was in charge of the Deccan, including present-day Hyderabad. Over the years, succession squabbles and property disputes among the descendants of the Nizams of Hyderabad have made news. More recently, it has intensified after the death of Mukarram Jah, the titular eighth Nizam, in Istanbul, on January 14. On opposite sides of the royal fault lines are two groups — one comprising the descendants of Nizams I-VI, Mir Mahbub Ali Khan, and the other, those of the last and seventh Nizam, Osman Ali Khan, who chose his grandson Mukarram as his legal heir in 1967. The final nail in the succession coffin was the “coronation” of 62-year-old Azmet Jah, Mukarram’s son from his first wife, Turkey-born Princess Esra. Azmet was “crowned” the “ninth Nizam” in a simple ceremony in Hyderabad on January 20, stated a release from Chowmahalla Palace, the Office of the Nizam. When London-based Azmet arrived in Hyderabad for his father’s funeral, he allegedly refused to acknowledge the descendants of the Nizams I-VI. Dismissing Azmet’s “coronation” as “illegal and unacceptable”, the incensed faction comprising the heirs of Nizams I-VI retaliated by appointing Hyderabad-based socialite Raunaq Yar Khan as the “ninth Nizam” on February 10. Known to be the richest man alive in his time, stories of Mir Mahbub Ali Khan’s jewels are legendary, of how he used the famed 185-carat Jacob’s Diamond (the Kohinoor is about 105.6 carats) as a paperweight, and found the South African diamond so small that he tucked it away in a slipper. The fight over the rightful “Nizam” may seem a touch quixotic, given that coronations are invalid under Article 363A of the Constitution, which ceased to acknowledge the rulers of Indian states. However, the battle royale assumes significance in the light of a 2019 UK High Court verdict on the Nizam Fund, which awarded £35 million (approximately Rs 306 crore) to the Government of India and two “Princes” — Mukarram and his brother Muffakham. Another bitter pill for the heirs of Nizams I-VI is that Mukarram’s family is in possession of the Nizam’s numerous immovable properties, including the late 18-th century Chowmahalla and Falaknuma Palaces — and Hyderabad’s crown jewels — these properties were restored recently by Princess Esra. Neither Azmet nor his father, while he was still alive, have reacted to various claims by the other descendants. Faiz Khan, a trustee of the Nizam of Hyderabad, also declined to comment on the claims. **** “It is time for Mukarram’s family to accept that the Nizam’s wealth belongs to all the heirs and not just their family alone, and to share it with us,” says Mujtaba Ali Khan, president of Majlis-E-Sahebzadagan, a welfare trust established for the descendants of Nizams I-VI in 1932 by Osman Ali Khan. The trust was set up to formally recognise the heirs of Nizams I-VI, including children born in the harems. After his grandfather’s death in April 1967, Mukarram became the richest heir of that time. The descendants of Nizams I-VI claim they had for decades asked Mukarram for their share of the wealth. Some have filed cases which are still pending in courts. Following Mukarram’s death, Azmet has been made party to the cases. The impoverished descendants claim that Mukarram did not take interest in his role as the titular Nizam or in the 52 trusts his grandfather had set up. By 1973, Mukarram moved to Australia and a few years later, to Istanbul and settled there for good. “Mukarram rarely visited Hyderabad and never met the other descendants. He squandered a lot of wealth. After the privy purse was abolished in 1970, the royals became common citizens. The Nizam’s wealth belongs to all of us. By appointing Azmet as the head, they are keeping the wealth in their family,” says Nizam Ali Khan, a member of the trust. In 1932, a sum of Rs 2.5 crore was deposited in the account of the trust to provide a monthly stipend to needy descendants. They were issued identification cards so that they could collect their allowances from the Nizam’s trust office at Edi Bazar in Moghalpura, Hyderabad. The building is a small, unassuming structure, with a few rooms where the trust employees sit behind aging wooden desks. A printed photograph of the Nizam hangs on the wall. Those who come to collect their allowances wait for their turn, sitting on plastic chairs and wooden benches. “At that time, there were about 400 descendants. The number has grown to over 4,500 now,” says M Moizuddin Khan, general secretary of the trust. “Some needy heirs receive just Rs 20-40 as monthly allowance. The aim of the trust was to ensure a comfortable life for these families, but a majority continue to live in poverty. Azmet is not interested in the welfare of the other Nizam family members. He is a British national. He was not even born in Hyderabad. We have impleaded ourselves in all the cases. We hope to see some positive results in six to eight months,” says Moizuddin. However, within the Majlis-E-Sahebzadagan are factions that have declared allegiance to Azmet. One such is Hashmat Ali Khan. He resigned from Majlis-E-Sahebzadagan in Hyderabad, and set up a new trust for the “original progeny” of Nizams I-VI under the same name in Rangareddy district. “Azmet is the rightful heir. Those who are not related to the Nizam family or come from the maternal side cannot claim that position,” says Hashmat, adding that he will try to convince Azmet to pay attention to the welfare of the heirs of Nizams I-VI. When The Indian Express reached out for Azmet’s comment on the ongoing family feud, the Office of the Nizam declined to comment. ***** “Unlike Azmet, Raunaq is known in Hyderabad. He has done a lot for society and is willing to take responsibility for the 4,500 family members,” says Moizuddin. A successful businessman related to the Paigah family, Raunaq is a known face in Hyderabad, especially for his Holi parties. The Paigah family, which served the Nizams in various capacities, was among the most powerful and influential families of Hyderabad in the 18th century. From his maternal side, Raunaq can trace his lineage all the way back to Mir Mahbub Ali Khan. Since they are no longer kings or Nizams or even rulers, as per Sharia law, they can elect a leader through consensus. Which is how Raunaq was chosen. “For the last 50 years, I have maintained the traditions started by Mahbub Ali Khan, who believed in respecting all religions. I am lucky to be financially comfortable and in a position to understand all the legal matters related to the wealth and properties of the Nizams. I feel I can do something substantial as the head to help these people out. They trust me. It is because of their trust that I accepted this position. I want to address these problems and ensure that the image of the Asaf Jahi rulers is not tarnished,” says Raunaq. ***** Nawab Najaf Ali Khan, the son of Hashim Jah Bahadur, the fifth son of the last Nizam of Hyderabad, represents over 180 descendants of Osman Ali Khan. Having rejected Azmet as the head of the family, Najaf’s group is pursuing a suit staking claim to Hyderabad’s four palaces — Falaknuma, Purani Haveli, Chowmahalla and King Kothi — as well as the Rs 306 crore from the “Nizam Fund”. “How can Azmet, who never learnt about the Asaf Jahi family, be referred to as the head of the Asaf Jahi dynasty? All his life, Mukarram did not have any interest in the title awarded to him by our grandfather. He was a silent witness to the downfall of the entire family. Even though he had enormous wealth and resources to better the condition of the family, he did not stay in Hyderabad to look after family issues. If he had taken action, this once majestic family would not have faced this situation,” says Najaf. However, the path to becoming the eighth titular Nizam was hardly paved with roses for Mukarram. The descendants claim that he presented a succession certificate from the Government of India and declared himself as heir to his grandfather’s properties just three days after the last Nizam breathed his last on February 24, 1967. Mukarram also seized all of the Nizam’s moveable and immoveable properties. Najaf adds, “We are fighting to recover the possession of what we lost due to that certificate. The title held by Mukarram was abolished twice, in 1968 and in 1971, rendering his title as the eighth Nizam null and void.” Another flame fanning the succession fire is the UK High Court verdict of October 2, 2019, that ruled in favour of the Government of India and the Jah brothers. The case concerned funds belonging to Osman Ali Khan that were in London Westminster Bank, later known as National Westminster Bank, since 1948. According to the verdict, his Finance Minister Nawab Moin Nawaz Jung had, on September 20, 1948, transferred £1,007,940 and nine shillings from a Westminster Bank account belonging to the Government of Hyderabad to an account in the name of Habib Ibrahim Rahimtoola, the then-High Commissioner of Pakistan in London, also in the same bank. Since the Nizam did not want to accede to the Indian Union, that money was to be used to purchase arms and ammunition for his army to fight the Indian Army. After he was forced to join the Indian Union, the Nizam tried to reclaim the money from Rahimtoola’s account but Pakistan laid claim to the money saying it had been transferred to Rahimtoola’s bank account. The bank froze the account and the fortune became embroiled in a seven-decade-long legal battle between India and Pakistan. At the time of the 2019 verdict, the money had swelled to approximately Rs 306 crore. However, the verdict mentioned only the two “Princes” and the Government of India as heirs to this fortune. While it is still unclear whether or not the other descendants of the Nizams will receive some of the ancestral windfall, Najaf and others think they have a right to claim a share. “Even if the Government of India receives half of this fund, which would be around Rs 150 crore, the Jah brothers will get the remaining Rs 150 crore,” an heir said. Some heirs, who are lawyers, feel the brothers may have already insulated themselves from all future claims. When the trial was on in the UK court, Mukarram removed himself from the proceedings. But even as the fire for that famed pot of Nizami gold rages on, the Nizam’s descendants are still trying to keep vestiges of the culture alive. Piping hot and fragrant Irani tea is still served with flaky and buttery Osmania biscuits in hole-in-the-wall cafés stuffed in the winding bylanes of Hyderabad’s Old City. At meetings, functions, family gatherings — even titular coronations of disputed heirs — out come the bespoke sherwanis, tailored by expert hands of generational master tailors, and the ubiquitous Rumi topis, the maroon cylindrical caps also called fez, ottoman and tarboush. Decades after the last accessory was banned in Turkey as it represented the bygone Ottoman Empire, Rumi topis, which are still considered the epitome of aristocracy and nobility in Hyderabad, are a fashionable legacy of the very man whose famed fortune fractured his family — Osman Ali Khan, last real Nizam of Hyderabad. The birth of the Asaf Jahi dynasty The Asaf Jahi dynasty came into existence in 1724, following a rebellion by Mir Qamar-ud-din-Siddiqi. A general in the Mughal army, he had been awarded the title of 'Asaf Jah' (The Wise). Members of the Asaf Jahi dynasty, who came to India from Central Asia, can trace their lineage back to the first Caliph of Islam, Abu Bakr. Mir's ancestors in the Mughal Empire were in charge of the Deccan, which came to be known as the present-day Hyderabad. Mir's grandfather, Khawaja Abid, had fought alongside Aurangzeb in his battle against his brothers. After Aurangzeb claimed the throne, he made Abid the Governor of Ajmer and Multan. Following Aurangzeb’s death, Bahadur Shah I appointed Mir as Viceroy of the Deccan in 1714. Mir held the post till his rebellion against Bahadur Shah I's son, Emperor Muhammed Shah, in 1724. Mir broke away from the Mughal Empire and declared himself an independent ruler. The twelfth Mughal emperor was forced to recognise Mir as the permanent Viceroy of the Deccan.
