Air Chief Marshal A P Singh’s appraisal of India’s air defence system during Operation Sindoor in May, emphasising the effectiveness of the Russian-supplied S-400 surface-to-air missile system, comes at a time when India-US ties are facing the biggest diplomatic test since Washington imposed sanctions on New Delhi in 1998 after the Pokhran-II nuclear tests.
Importance of the S-400
The S-400 Triumf, (NATO calls it SA-21 Growler) – a mobile, surface-to-air missile system (SAM) designed by Russia – is seen as the most dangerous operationally deployed modern long-range SAM (MLR SAM) in the world, considered much ahead of the US-developed Terminal High Altitude Area Defense system (THAAD).
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It can engage all types of aerial targets, including aircraft, unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV), and ballistic and cruise missiles within the range of 400 kilometres, at an altitude of up to 30 kilometres. The system can track 100 airborne targets and engage six of them simultaneously. It represents the fourth generation of long-range Russian SAMs – the successor to the S-200 and S-300. The S-400’s mission set and capabilities are roughly comparable to the famed US Patriot system.
The S-400 integrates a multifunction radar, autonomous detection and targeting systems, anti-aircraft missile systems, launchers, and command and control centre. It is capable of firing three types of missiles to create a layered defence. It is two-times more effective than previous Russian air defence systems and can be deployed within five minutes. It can also be integrated into the existing and future air defence units of the Indian Air Force, Army and the Navy.
The first S-400 systems became operational in 2007 and are responsible for defending Moscow. It was deployed in Syria in 2015, to guard Russian and Syrian naval and air assets. Russia has also stationed S-400 units in Crimea to strengthen its position on the recently-annexed peninsula.
Long-established India-Russia military ties
While India’s dependence on the Russian defence system, its supplies and spares is well known due to the legacy defence relationship since the Soviet Union era, S-400 has been the mainstay of India’s defence system, although supplies have been stretched due to the war in Ukraine since February 2022.
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This puts Moscow as a reliable defence equipment supplier, at a time when geopolitics under Trump has brought in a sense of uncertainty and unpredictability in the defence partnership.
In that context, India faces a diplomatic and strategic dilemma of Russia on one side, US on another side, and the China-Pakistan axis on a third side. It is important to note that the China-Pakistan axis is also facing different pressures – the China-Russia ties are strengthening, while the US-Pakistan bonhomie has just begun with Trump and Pakistan Army Chief Field Marshal Asim Munir warming up to each other.
In this sort of multi-vector, multi-front challenge, Delhi views its ties with Moscow with much more predictability. This has been visible in the last few days, as Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke to Russian President Vladimir Putin on Friday, a day after National Security Advisor Ajit Doval met the Russian President in the Kremlin.
Despite the threat of sanctions on buying energy from Russia at discounted prices in the past three years, the Indian establishment has been relieved at Moscow’s reliability when it comes to defence supplies – notwithstanding Beijing’s influence, and at a time when India and China were facing off each other in eastern Ladakh with 50,000 to 60,000 troops on each sides.
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This had been assured by the Russian establishment in meetings with Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, and has continued over the last three years — with some delays. There have been questions over Russia’s state of technology, because of the sanctions by US and European partners, but its diplomatic support for India has not diminished, according to Delhi.
This has been a source of comfort, although India has been procuring and diversifying defence equipment from the American, French and Israelis among others.
At a time when Prime Minister Narendra Modi is expected to travel to China for the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Tianjin on August 31-September 1 – which is likely to be a venue for his meetings with Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping – the IAF Chief’s comments are being viewed as a reminder of Russia’s value. And, more deeply, a strategic signalling to the world – the US under Trump, China under Xi, Pakistan under Munir – that Russia’s Putin, despite his chequered past, is a militarily-reliable partner for Delhi.