As BJP holds organisational elections, why not to expect changes in power structure

Of the new crop of CMs, most take their cue from the Centre, say party leaders. “They simply follow directives from Delhi,” a leader said, adding that the few BJP CMs now with an independent standing of their own are Yogi Adityanath (Uttar Pradesh), Himanta Biswa Sarma (Assam) and Devendra Fadnavis (Maharashtra).

In the BJP organisational polls, which are currently on, the emphasis is on “consensus”. As per the BJP constitution, the party president is elected by an electoral college consisting of BJP National Council members and members of state councils, with elections prescribed for everything from local committees to mandal and district panels.

But, senior BJP leader Satish Punia, the in-charge of elections in Haryana for the BJP, told The Indian Express that consensus was “preferred” when it came to mandal, booth and zilla committees. That didn’t mean there was no choice, he said. “We have an internal democratic pattern, where the choice is by common consensus.”

The process is not without hiccups, though. In Goa, a section of the BJP leaders recently protested that most of the chosen mandal presidents were either protégés of ministers or MLAs, or backed by them.

In Madhya Pradesh, the process of selection of zilla presidents, which was expected to be completed by December, has been delayed reportedly due to the lack of consensus among leaders. Senior party leaders had a meeting with probable candidates for district presidents recently to break the stalemate.

In Kerala, mandal committee presidents were chosen on “group basis” and Pathanamthitta and Kollam districts witnessed tension as a section of the leaders accused the official faction of deciding unilaterally. “The fight in these districts became public and the local media reported them. It was embarrassing for the party,” a state leader said, adding that this showed the failure to “exercise a proper democratic process”.

To many BJP leaders, the worry is that the party’s course has started mirroring the Congress’s. “The Congress started disintegrating when its high command in New Delhi became extremely powerful, leaving the state leadership handicapped… In the 1970s and 1980s, the Congress relied solely on its central leadership, Indira or Rajiv Gandhi, to win,” a party leader said, pointing out that the Congress fortunes have been sliding since their passing.

Another leader said: “Earlier we used to identify such issues as Congress issues. But now we realise it’s related to power, not with any individual or parties.”

At the same time, the BJP’s talent-spotting process remains robust in a way that the Congress has struggled to nurture, particularly when it comes to the grassroots and ordinary workers who don’t have any political legacy.

“No other party has the kind of cadre movement that happens in the BJP. The Left too could claim grassroot democracy, but its presence is minuscule now,” said a party leader.

Even if the booth committees and presidents are picked without elections and by consensus, the leader added, “the presence of multiple booths and committees is a testimony to the democratic process, because it involves many… The constitution of the committees itself enhances democracy and inclusivity, as it has social, gender, and economic diversities. Is Modi dictating who is going to head a booth?”

The leader pointed out that in the BJP, there is another restraining factor against a unipolar power centre – the RSS. With the Sangh kept in the loop on major decisions and appointments, the interests that need to be accommodated are much more.

The leader added: “Of course, centralisation happens, but at the top level. At the bottom, despite all the problems, it is still vibrant.”