Home to a ‘forgotten’ hero, Arrah battle pits BJP’s ‘labharthi’ politics against Opp’s jobs pitch, caste manoeuvres

But the deserted house adjoining the fort tells the story of a “forgotten” hero. Until last year it was home to Pushpa Singh, a sixth-generation descendant of Kunwar Singh whose son Bablu died in police custody. Unable to live alone there, Pushpa moved to Patna. She criticises the ruling NDA alliance’s “neglect” of Kunwar Singh’s descendants, calling it an insult to the freedom fighter.

Pushpa is disillusioned with all parties. “We have been used as a political symbol over the years. But I have not yet recovered from the shock of my son’s death,” she told The Indian Express.

The BJP’s sitting MP and Union minister R K Singh who is seeking a third-straight term is contending with anti-incumbency. He is up against the CPI(M-L) Liberation’s Sudama Prasad. While Singh is an upper-caste Rajput, Prasad belongs to the OBC Bania community. By fielding Prasad, the INDIA bloc is hoping to split the NDA’s traditional Bania voter base and add to its core base of Muslims and Yadavs, and sections of Dalits and Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs). While there are an estimated 2-2.25 lakh Bania voters in Arrah and almost 2.5 lakh Rajputs, Yadavs are the largest group at 4 lakh, followed by 1.25-1.5 lakh OBC Kushwahas and 1.25 lakh Brahmins. Muslims account for about 2 lakh of the constituency’s 21 lakh total voters.

Inside the fort’s complex, large parts of which have been developed like a park, locals across demographic groups, from caste to gender, often congregate for political discussions. The clash between the Centre’s free ration scheme and local caste dynamics — as is the case in several other constituencies — is evident here.

Local resident Meena Kunwar said, “While any other incentive being promised by others could be temporary, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ration scheme is very good. One thing is for sure, we are not going to die of hunger now. My two daughters-in-law have not been getting free ration for some months. We want to restore it to them with the help of some babus (bureaucrats) in Jagdishpur.”

Ashok Kumar Choudhary, a daily-wage worker, said, “While the Jagdishpur town has seen a muted impact of caste during elections, it is more rigid in villages … We may be somewhat disappointed with our MP R K Singh but the NDA government has ensured 20-22 hours of daily power supply.” Though Choudhary praised the Opposition Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) leader Tejashwi Yadav for talking about jobs, he said the free ration scheme and caste calculations together could decide the outcome in Arrah.

Daily wager Mahendra Yadav whose three sons work in stone chip factories outside Bihar said, “We are traditional RJD voters. But there could be some women from our caste voting for Modi.”

None of the voters The Indian Express spoke to mentioned the legacy of Kunwar Singh as a poll issue but said they were happy that the fort served as an “extended public courtyard” for its neighbourhood.

Arrah is among the three seats the CPI(ML)(L) is contesting as part of the INDIA bloc’s seat-sharing deal along with Karakat and Nalanda. In the 2014 and 2019 Lok Sabha polls, the party failed to make much of an impression against R K Singh. But this time, the CPI(M-L)(L) believes its alliance with the RJD and Congress could result in a transfer of votes to Sudama Prasad, who is pitching his campaign as a fight to “protect the Constitution” and provide jobs.

Singh, however, is unperturbed and is banking on the BJP’s development credentials as well as his record as the Union Minister of Renewable Energy. Though Modi has not visited Arrah for a rally, Singh is also seeking votes in the PM’s name. “We want the continuation of the good work done by the Narendra Modi government,” he said at a rally earlier this month.