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This is an archive article published on March 10, 2023
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Opinion Sheikh Abdullah: The great leader who became a politician

He was called Sher-i-Kashmir because of the admiration that Kashmiris had for him. His grave is now protected from vandalism by the same people who gave him that name

But for Sheikh's leadership, Kashmir would have fallen into enemy hands and its miniscule religious minorities would have been wiped out in 1947.But for Sheikh's leadership, Kashmir would have fallen into enemy hands and its miniscule religious minorities would have been wiped out in 1947.
March 10, 2023 06:30 PM IST First published on: Mar 10, 2023 at 06:30 PM IST

The article ‘Remembering Sheikh Abdullah’ by M N Sabharwal and Manish Sabharwal (IE, March 6) omits recounting how Sheikh went from being a “leader” to a “politician”.

There was gloom and fear in Srinagar since October 22, 1947, as Pakistan had attacked the state of Jammu and Kashmir, despite signing the standstill agreement.

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Relatives and friends from Baramulla and Muzaffarabad area had taken shelter in our home in Srinagar. Refugees narrated the orgy of destruction — loot, arson, death and rape — unleashed by the Pakistani forces under the code name “Operation Gulmarg”.

Kashmiris had no way to escape as the enemy was coming from the only exit/entry point to the Valley, Baramulla road. Banihal tunnel that connects Kashmir to Jammu was built much later.

Sheikh the leader inspired Kashmiris to form the Salamati Fauj, irrespective of gender, religion and race, as a resistance group against the Pakistani attack to guard and defend Kashmir, shouting slogans, “Hamlavar khabardar, hum Kashmiri hai tayyar (Aggressor beware, we Kashmiris are prepared)”.

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On October 26, 1947, the state signed the Instrument of Accession and became a part of India. Sheikh took over the interim administration of the state.

Immediately, on October 27, 1947, two companies of the Sikh Regiment of the Indian Army, commanded by Lt. Colonel Dewan Ranjit Rai, landed at Srinagar airfield, to defend India. The Salamati Fauj organised transportation from the airport to the battlefront and joined them to defend India. My grandfather, Pandit Shyam Lal Tikoo, was part of the Salamati Fauj.

The convoy led by Lt Colonel Rai reached the outskirts of Baramulla, near village Pattan. In the evening, Tikoo saw torchlights switching on and off, from the opposite side. He brought it to Rai’s notice; both realised that they were being ambushed. Rai instructed the convoy to move back in the dark, without starting the engines and with the headlights turned off. Once the vehicles had been pushed a few kilometres, in the dead of the night, Rai asked them to stop, thinking they were safe and far from the enemy ambush. Soon, firing started and there was a bloodbath. Tikoo was one of the few who survived. Rai, who died after being hit by an enemy bullet, received the first Maha Vir Chakra.

This battle near Pattan slowed down the march of the Pakistani forces towards the Srinagar airfield, which was only 30 km away. This made it possible for Major Somnath Sharma, commanding the Kumaon Regiment, to land at Srinagar on October 31, 1947. The rest is history.

But for Sheikh’s leadership, Kashmir would have fallen into enemy hands and its miniscule religious minorities would have been wiped out in 1947. As a leader, this was the highest point of Sheikh’s life. This led to admiration and affection for him in the heart of every Kashmiri — the public gave him the title of Sher-i-Kashmir, the Lion of Kashmir.

Sheikh became the chief minister in 1975. In 1977, his party swept the elections in Kashmir against the coalition led under the Janata Party umbrella. He didn’t win three seats — Sopore, Handwara and Idgah. Sheikh the politician let loose the state apparatus against his political rivals. Deputy commissioners acquired the land of political rivals. Most of the Janata Party activists went to prison or went into hiding.

Political dissent, which a leader allows to thrive, was crushed with iron hands — like by any politician, in any part of the world.

Sheikh couldn’t bring the three regions, Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh, closer; nor could he become the bridge between the different religions of the state.

Nor did he bring Delhi and Jammu and Kashmir closer. A narrative between truth and imagination was fed to the public, creating an anti-Centre sentiment which, after his death, became an anti-India sentiment.

Building Hazratbal was the reflection of the collective consciousness of the Kashmiris — it hosts the relic of the Prophet.

Sheikh the leader had kept the left-leaning party flag, red in colour, with a plough as the symbol. Sheikh the politician went on to use religion as an instrument of politics.

The National Conference party, government recruitment, academic admissions, administration, posting and transfers — all became devoid of meritocracy, for which Kashmir continues to pay.

No wonder, Sheikh Abdullah’s grave has been guarded round the clock since the insurgency began in 1990, protecting it from being vandalised by the people who once called him Sher-i-Kashmir.

From a great leader, he became a politician — this sums up his journey.

The above is based on my conversations with my grandfather. Bobaji survived only two harsh summers away from Kashmir.

The writer works in the field of technology research

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