Opinion Shashi Tharoor writes: Global South is redefining credible climate action. COP30 must acknowledge this

The tropics lost 6.7 million hectares of primary rainforest last year, largely due to fires, a staggering figure equivalent to erasing the forest cover of a small country. Yet Brazil, through improved satellite monitoring and policy enforcement, recorded an 11 per cent decline in Amazon deforestation between August 2024 and July 2025. This wasn’t the result of foreign capital or imported technologies alone. It was the outcome of domestic resolve, institutional reform, and South-led innovation.

The Amazon, estimated to hold between 90 and 140 billion tonnes of carbon, is not a philanthropic cause but a planetary necessity. Its protection is not a gesture of goodwill but a prerequisite for any credible global carbon budget. And its partial recovery proves a vital point: the Global South can deliver, when it is empowered to lead. The Belém Health Action Plan for Climate Adaptation in the Health Sector stresses a holistic “One Health” approach, covering animals, people, and ecosystems.

Forests cover just 31 per cent of the world’s land, and nearly half of that is found in tropical countries. These landscapes are not burdens to be compensated for, but strategic assets. They hold extraordinary biodiversity, dense carbon reserves, and cultural heritage. Yet, they face relentless pressure from agribusiness, mining, and infrastructure development. If the political, financial, and technical architecture can be reimagined to support local stewardship rather than extract value, these forests could anchor a new model of inclusive growth. This is not about charity or compensation. It is about partnership, sovereignty, and shared survival.

The adaptation finance gap remains the unspoken scandal of climate diplomacy. The United Nations estimates global adaptation needs at US$187 billion to US$359 billion annually. Yet, the funds provided remain a mere fraction of this — often conditional, slow-moving, and disconnected from locally-defined priorities. COP30, following Brazil’s G20 presidency last year, offers a rare moment of political continuity. The Global South needs debt-free grants and compensation, since current financing models rely too heavily on loans, which exacerbates debt burdens. The South must demand not just more money, but smarter money: Finance that supports bio-economies, indigenous rights, community-led conservation, and green value chains, without imposing the North’s templates on us. New instruments like the Loss and Damage Fund and the Santiago Network for technical assistance are steps forward. But they risk becoming symbolic unless backed by a reformed multilateral architecture that focuses on equity, responsiveness, and local agency. The EU’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism, which imposes a border tax on carbon-intensive goods, places an unfair tariff burden on Southern trade.

The world needs bolder, more transformative national climate action plans; joint satellite-monitoring systems to track deforestation and carbon stocks; pooled technical assistance for community-based adaptation and restoration; a shared investment vehicle for sustainable supply chains and green infrastructure; and a South-led carbon credits framework with robust safeguards for rights and biodiversity.

This is not a utopian vision. The building blocks already exist in the South — in Brazil’s monitoring systems, India’s solar parks, Indonesia’s peatland restoration, and Nepal’s community forestry. What’s needed is the political will to connect these dots across continents.

One of the most powerful tools in climate governance is data. But data is not neutral. Who collects it, who interprets it, and who acts on it determines whose interests are served. Data allows countries to set their own baselines, track their own progress, and hold themselves accountable. It also enables them to challenge outdated or inaccurate external narratives. In a world where climate credibility is currency, the ability to monitor and report transparently is as vital as the ability to act.

South Asia faces a unique climate paradox. It is among the most vulnerable regions to climate shocks. We are facing every imaginable crisis, from Himalayan glacial melt to coastal inundation, from heat waves to cyclones. Yet, we can also be a laboratory of low-cost, high-impact solutions. At COP30, the region’s priorities include fair and accessible climate finance, especially for adaptation and “loss and damage”; strengthened regional cooperation, through platforms like BIMSTEC and the G20; and inclusive governance, with subnational and community voices at the table. India’s green hydrogen mission, Bangladesh’s cyclone shelters, and Sri Lanka’s mangrove restoration are not just success stories, they are scalable models of resilience.

South Asia’s climate agenda is not just about emissions. It’s about employment, equity, and empowerment. With half its population under 25, the region sees climate action as a pathway to jobs, in renewables, resilience, and restoration. This is where the North’s capital can play a catalytic role, not by dictating terms, but by investing in locally led transitions. Green jobs, rooted in local economies and skills, can transform not just emissions trajectories but social outcomes.

The old compact — where the North pays and the South complies — is crumbling. In its place, a new compact is emerging: One based on mutual respect, shared innovation, and co-created solutions. COP30 must be where this compact is formalised: Where delivery replaces delay, capability is recognised alongside crisis, and the South’s sovereignty not just acknowledged, but amplified. If the Amazon can bend the curve, so can the rest of us — provided we listen, invest, and believe in the power of South-led change.

The writer is MP, Thiruvananthapuram, and Lok Sabha chairman, Parliamentary Standing Committee on External Affairs