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Opinion Three things Mayawati needs to do to revive BSP

Decentralising decision-making and empowering regional leaders is essential to rebuilding the party at the grassroots level. Forming stable, long-term alliances with opposition parties like SP and Congress could provide a much-needed counter to the BJP’s dominance.

MayawatiMayawati has remained silent on these results, fuelling speculation about her political strategy. (File photo)
February 18, 2025 12:53 PM IST First published on: Feb 18, 2025 at 12:53 PM IST

Written by Mahendra Kumar Singh

Mayawati’s assertion on February 17 that the true successor of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) must be a dedicated disciple of Kanshi Ram comes at a time when the party is at its weakest. Her statement, following the expulsion of Ashok Siddharth — father-in-law of her nephew Akash Anand — on charges of factionalism and anti-party activities signals her determination to maintain control over the party. However, it also highlights the deep crisis within the BSP. Once a dominant force in Uttar Pradesh politics, the party’s influence has declined sharply, and unless a complete overhaul is undertaken, the condition is unlikely to change.

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The BSP’s struggles stem from leadership challenges, internal factionalism, and an inability to adapt to evolving political dynamics in the complex political terrains of UP. Under Kanshi Ram, the BSP was a grassroots movement that empowered Dalits and marginalised communities. However, over time, decision-making became increasingly centralised under Mayawati, turning the party into a single-leader entity. Unlike national parties such as the BJP and Congress, which have multiple leadership layers, the BSP lacks a second-rung leadership. This, along with Mayawati’s inactiveness, has weakened the party’s adaptability and expansion, limiting its presence outside Uttar Pradesh and contributing to its electoral decline.

Another major factor behind the BSP’s decline is Mayawati’s reluctance to form stable alliances like her mentor Kanshi Ram. While the BJP has perfected the art of coalition politics, the BSP’s alliances — such as its 2019 tie-up with the Samajwadi Party (SP) — have been short-lived and ineffective. Further, her decision to promote her nephew Akash Anand as her political heir contradicts the core ideals of the Bahujan movement, which sought to move beyond dynastic politics. This decision has alienated many within the party who once saw BSP as a movement rather than a family-run political entity.

The party’s electoral decline has been dramatic. In 2007, the BSP secured a majority in the Uttar Pradesh Assembly, winning 206 out of 403 seats. By 2012, its tally fell to 80, and in 2017, it plummeted to just 19 seats with a 22.23 per cent vote share. That was the lowest tally since 1991 when the party won only 12 seats. However, the 2022 elections marked its worst performance, with the BSP winning only one seat and securing a mere 12.88 per cent of votes. Nationally, the BSP won 21 Lok Sabha seats in 2009 but failed to win any in 2014. A brief resurgence in 2019, when it won 10 seats in alliance with the SP, was short-lived. In the 2024 general election, which the BSP contested alone, it failed to secure a single seat despite fielding the highest number of candidates among the six national parties. Its absence from the 18th Lok Sabha coincided with the entry of Dalit leader Chandrashekhar Azad, who campaigned on fulfilling Kanshi Ram’s vision, further diminishing the BSP’s standing among Dalit voters.

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Mayawati has remained silent on these results, fuelling speculation about her political strategy. Opposition parties have accused her of operating under the BJP’s pressure, a claim that gained traction when she removed Akash Anand from his post midway through the elections after his anti-BJP speeches.

The primary beneficiary of the BSP’s declining vote share has been the BJP, which has successfully wooed non-Jatav Dalits such as Pasis and Chamars, along with a significant section of Jatavs, Mayawati’s own community. Through a combination of Hindutva politics, targeted welfare schemes, and strategic social engineering, the BJP has eroded the BSP’s traditional vote base. Meanwhile, the BJP’s well-organised cadre system ensures its strong grassroots presence, something BSP has failed to maintain.

While the 2024 Lok Sabha results were a setback for the BJP, they provided little solace for the BSP. The party’s trajectory is strikingly similar to that of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP). Like the BSP, AAP began as a movement-driven organisation but gradually became a personality-centric entity under Arvind Kejriwal. By sidelining dissenting voices, Kejriwal consolidated power, weakening internal democracy. Similarly, Mayawati has centralised all decision-making within the BSP, preventing the emergence of new leadership.

For BSP to regain lost ground, Mayawati must go back to the drawing board and revamp the party. Decentralising decision-making and empowering regional leaders is essential to rebuilding the party at the grassroots level. Forming stable, long-term alliances with opposition parties like the SP and Congress could provide a much-needed counter to the BJP’s dominance, rather than relying on short-lived partnerships that yield little electoral benefit. The party also needs to modernise its outreach strategies, leveraging social media and directly engaging younger voters, particularly within its Dalit stronghold.

If the BSP does not act now, it risks becoming politically irrelevant, leaving a void that others will quickly fill. With the 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections approaching, the BSP faces a critical test in its struggle for political survival.

The writer is a political commentator and teaches Political Science at DDU Gorakhpur University, Uttar Pradesh

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