Opinion On Maratha quota, Jarange has won the same assurance again. It’s nearly impossible for government to concede

This calls for a primer on Maharashtra’s social history. Though the Marathas are one of strongest and largest caste groups in the state, they are not necessarily a homogeneous community statewide. They are landlords in some regions such as western Maharashtra and landless labourers in others like Konkan and Marathwada. Agricultural land is the only thread that connects these two extreme points; Marathas were mainly involved in agrarian activities in the past, and in many cases, still are. They once formed the backbone of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj’s army in wartime, and were either farmers or farm labourers in peacetime. The British labelled the entire agrarian community with one title: Maratha.

With the passage of time, the growth of families brought about the bifurcation/trifurcation of their agricultural land. Naturally, incomes declined and farming became less and less remunerative. During this phase, Maharashtra witnessed large-scale inward migration to cities, which at the time could offer substantial jobs in thriving industries. But that has not been the case of late. With jobs in the private sector drying up, agriculture becoming less productive and till-now underprivileged Dalits and other backward communities climbing the social ladder thanks to the Mandalisation of politics, the economic situation left Marathas with only one option: To seek reservation for themselves. It did not take much time for the demand to gain the requisite momentum after the Marathas lost the game of thrones and BJP’s Fadnavis, a Brahmin, attained the coveted seat of power in 2014. Adding fuel to fire was the BJP’s ultra-aggressive leadership, which unleashed its central agencies on the state’s cooperative, education and sugar barons, predominantly Marathas. It resulted in two things: Mighty Marathas with many skeletons in their cupboards joined the BJP and those with nothing to lose joined agitations in the name of some cause or the other to challenge its might. Reservation for Marathas was one of them.

Why does the BJP find it difficult to offer the community what it wants? The answer lies in the party’s political base, among whom OBCs are numerous. OBCs are almost equal to Marathas as a percentage of the population, but are divided into 300-plus subgroups. Its been the BJPs long term strategy to bring OBCs into its fold to counter Congress’s Muslim-Christian-Dalit (MCD) combo. It’s no coincidence that the party has had a battery of OBC leaders, from Prime Minister Narendra Modi to the late Gopinath Munde. Having mopped up enough OBCs, the BJP in Maharashtra was left with only one challenge: That of the Marathas. Thus came the design to split the Sharad Pawar-led NCP — full of Marathas — and also an attempt by Fadnavis to win them over by offering reservation ahead of the 2019 state assembly elections. It didn’t go much farther as the Supreme Court struck down the Maratha quota as it took the total quantum of reservation over the 50 per cent cap prescribed in the 1992 Indra Sawhney verdict, noting that there were no “extraordinary circumstances” to justify breaching the ceiling. Subsequent governments led by Uddhav Thackeray followed by his devotee-turned-detractor Eknath Shinde also failed to convince the SC.

Along with the political tribulations, the issue also has a social aspect. In some regions like Marathwada and Vidarbha, the Marathas are considered Kunabis (like landless labourers), who are designated as OBCs, whereas in western Maharashtra, they are not. Though all Kunabis are Marathas, not all Marathas are necessarily Kunabis, as some believe. Besides, it would rock the BJP’s boat if a community as large as the Marathas were accommodated as OBCs. The BJP has no objection in offering reservation to Marathas under the newly-created category of Economically Weaker Sections (EWS).

This creates an impasse with just a couple of options: Either amend the Constitution to bypass the Supreme Court-set limit of 50 per cent for reservation, or approach the SC with an appeal to review its order in the Maratha reservation case. The former can be done only by the central government, but it is loath to try, fearing that Gujjars in Gujarat, Kapus in Andhra or Jats in northern states will make similar demands. While the Narendra Modi government is worried about the first option, the state government is concerned about the second for obvious reasons. Thus, it is in everybody’s interest to keep the pot boiling.

The writer is editor, Loksatta