Opinion Lesson for AAP and Arvind Kejriwal: You can’t be a full-time political party with a freelance ideology

Politics and elections are unfair. So?

Like several Opposition parties in other polls, the AAP can justifiably claim that there was no level playing field in Delhi. Between the Lieutenant Governor’s office acting as an “obstacle” to its governance agenda, and its top leaders being arrested and jailed, there is much to complain about. But for the voter who is caught in the middle, the refrain about the lack of fairness can wear thin.

Poor infrastructure and a lack of civic governance — especially on basic issues like water supply and garbage collection — can make even the most loyal voter transactional. Daily hardship can make many people less sympathetic to a political pitch that relies on victimhood. A party that has been ambivalent on ideological and moral issues is more vulnerable on this front.

The BJP’s dominance is a reality that cannot be wished away. AAP needs to frame its politics keeping this reality in mind.

Stop blowin’ in the wind

A question that has been asked of AAP for some years now is this: What does the party stand for? Is a reduced electricity bill enough of an ideology? It’s refusal to stand up for minority rights and confront the broader parochialism that the BJP champions will become all the more stark with the loss in Delhi.

Kejriwal’s refusal to visit riot-affected North-East Delhi in 2020, the demonising of Rohingya refugees, being largely silent about “bulldozer raj”, sending pilgrims to Ayodhya to coincide with the anniversary of the Babri Masjid demolition anniversary, and even Chief Minister Atishi playing Bharat by keeping the CM’s chair vacant for “Ram” Kejriwal — the list of the AAP’s attempts to be “BJP lite” are numerous. In this, the party has learnt no lessons from the Congress’s intermittent — and almost always failed — attempts at “soft Hindutva”.

AAP has gone further than most down this route. The decision by the government to search for “Bangladeshi migrants” in Delhi government schools was arguably its moral nadir, showing that the well-being of the very children and families it served through its reform of schools can be sacrificed for an election.

This cynical use of religion is rarely rewarded by the voter for two reasons: First, it is inauthentic — the hardcore Hindutva supporter would, understandably, vote for the OGs (BJP-RSS) who have stood by the ideology for nearly a century. It is patronising to believe that they cannot recognise the difference between those dyed in saffron and chameleons.

Second, it does not jive with the claims to do “kaam ki rajneeti” and the party being different from the rest of the political class it has so often demonised.

Schools and mohalla clinics — well begun, half done

One of the reasons cited for the decline of the RJD and Lalu Prasad in Bihar was that the champion of social justice stagnated. The politics of dignity and representation in a state where caste hierarchies were rigidly enforced and arguably recreated in state structures was almost revolutionary. But Prasad did not build on his initial platform to include governance and build state capacity, paving the way for Nitish Kumar.

The AAP is in an analogous predicament. Its reform of schools and mohalla clinics was lauded and rewarded by the electorate five years ago. Simple measures like parent-teacher meetings in municipal schools provided agency and dignity to those at the bottom of the pyramid. Programmes for teacher training and curriculum reform, too, were welcomed. The mohalla clinics showed how much the poor in one of India’s richest cities needed basic healthcare. However, after over 10 years in office, the party needed to bring similar innovation and commitment to other aspects of governance. The tussle with the L-G and the Centre arguably hobbled it, in this regard — but perhaps it could have done more even to present new ideas.

In higher education, for example, the AAP government all but presided over the decline of Ambedkar University, and its ideas like reservation for “locals” at Delhi University were myopic and regressive.

For the BJP in Delhi, it is important not to let schools and healthcare fall behind. The party’s record in other states on these aspects is chequered at best. Delhi’s voters expect and deserve more.

Make friends, don’t blame them

A second, less defensible, aspect of the AAP’s politics of victimhood is blaming the Congress for its loss. On the facts of the result, the Congress did play “spoilsport”. But it is not for the Congress alone to sacrifice its political ground to keep out the BJP. As it moves forward, the AAP must not expect exceptional treatment — it cannot try to expand to states like Goa and Uttarakhand at the expense of its INDIA ally while expressing chagrin when the latter does the same.

Finally, the silver linings

Despite its defeat, the AAP is not wiped out from Delhi. It will likely end up with over 40 per cent of the vote and 22-26 seats in the 70-member Assembly. The last time Delhi had an Opposition worthy of the name was in 2008 (the BJP had 23 seats).

While conceding defeat, Kejriwal said his party would play the role of a “constructive Opposition” and would continue to work among and advocate for the people of Delhi. Both pro forma statements are unexceptionable. But more is needed from a party that has potential.

The fact is that the AAP did speak to and for the poorest in the city. Now, as it plans its future, it must do so more loudly and broadly. CM Atishi said the party would “fight BJP’s taanashahi” going forward. The party cannot do so by waving a cheap electricity bill and demonising minorities.

aakash.joshi@expressindia.com