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Opinion In Bihar, why people voted for Nitish Kumar again

Nitish Kumar’s relevance, questioned repeatedly in the run-up to the election, was reaffirmed both by the scale of the verdict and the diversity of social groups that backed him

Nitish KumarA poster of Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar installed outside the JD(U) office, in Patna on Thursday. (ANI Photo)
November 14, 2025 01:00 PM IST First published on: Nov 14, 2025 at 12:35 PM IST

Written by Aviral Pandey

The 2025 Bihar Assembly election delivered a verdict that unsettled familiar political assumptions and confirmed a pro-incumbency sentiment in one of India’s most politically significant states. The electorate seems to have been less responsive to polarising appeals or entrenched caste loyalties and more attentive to administrative steadiness, welfare delivery, and narrative coherence. At the centre of this shift stood the NDA’s “double-engine” framework, shaped by the coordinated leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, and Union Home Minister Amit Shah. The fear of a return to “Jungle Raj” significantly damaged the Mahagathbandhan’s credibility, while its expansive but unconvincing promises weakened voters’ trust. Jan Suraaj, despite its moral appeal, could not convince voters of its ability to form a stable government.

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Building on this broader mood, the NDA converted what might have been anti-incumbency fatigue into a clear pro-incumbency mandate. Nitish Kumar’s administration adopted a grievance-responsive approach that directly addressed long-standing disappointments among voters: Teacher appointments and transfers were rationalised, recruitment of assistant professors, police personnel, and administrative staff accelerated, and transparency in service delivery improved. Enhanced stipends for Panchayati Raj representatives, higher pensions for senior citizens, an increase in payments to ASHA and Anganwadi workers, and the Rs 10,000 support to Jeevika Didis signalled attentiveness to everyday burdens. The Jeevika initiative, in particular, deepened trust among women and low-income households, becoming one of the quiet engines of pro-incumbency sentiment.

Parallel reforms strengthened the state’s welfare ecosystem. Platforms such as the e-Shram portal and BOCW schemes broadened access to benefits, while stronger protections for migrant workers during emergencies helped reshape perceptions of state responsiveness. In the post-Covid landscape, the government’s renewed focus on migrant households and the revitalisation of the labour department added credibility. Bihar’s improving development profile also enhanced the social standing of its migrant workers in other states, weakening the Opposition’s attempt to construct a narrative of neglect. Subsidy on household electricity consumption further eased economic anxiety, especially for low-income and rural households that treat energy security as a frontline cost. More broadly, the policy measures aligned closely with the lived needs and aspirations of the Garib, Yuva, Mahila, and Kisan constituencies.

The Opposition, by contrast, struggled to expand its social and political bandwidth. The Mahagathbandhan’s job-centric pitch, framed as “Tejashwi ka pran”, attempted to present a forward-looking alternative but remained largely confined to its traditional caste boundaries. Instead of widening its appeal, the mobilisation centred on Yadav leadership narrowed it further, creating space for the NDA to consolidate non-dominant and upwardly mobile caste groups who were wary of a return to identity-driven politics. The Opposition’s criticism of governance was overshadowed by voters’ concerns about administrative instability under an untested alternative.

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Law and order dynamics further shaped the verdict. The incidents in Mokama and a few episodes of crime in Patna initially appeared to expose vulnerabilities for the NDA, yet the state’s rapid actions, including the arrest of high-profile figures, transformed these moments into demonstrations of an uncompromising commitment to “Kanoon ka raaj”. Instead of eroding support, they reinforced the perception that the NDA could deliver predictable and rules-based governance. Equally significant was the ruling alliance’s showing in several Muslim-dominated constituencies. While this does not signal a sweeping political realignment, it indicates that sections of the minority electorate weighed service delivery, local development, and everyday security more heavily than inherited partisan loyalties. Such recalibrations, even if modest, may shape Bihar’s electoral sociology in the years ahead.

A further notable dimension was the renewed organisational and political assertion of the JDU. After years marked by alliance volatility and shifting fortunes, the party’s strong performance illustrated how a regional actor can regain trust when anchored in governance credibility and coalition clarity. Nitish Kumar’s relevance, questioned repeatedly in the run-up to the election, was reaffirmed both by the scale of the verdict and the diversity of social groups that backed him.

Going forward, the NDA faces a set of immediate challenges tied to its own manifesto commitments. Delivering sustained job creation, improving public recruitment processes, and accelerating industrial and agricultural modernisation will be the central tests. Promises on strengthening health and education systems, expanding women-centric welfare, and improving urban services must show quick, measurable progress. The pledge to enhance policing capacity and maintain predictable law and order will also remain under constant public scrutiny. In essence, the government must now convert electoral trust into visible outcomes across these priority areas to sustain the pro-incumbency momentum it has secured.

The writer teaches at Patna University

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