Once again the Maoists have struck,blowing up a commercial passenger bus,causing 35 fatalities including civilians. As is to be expected there are demands for the use of the army,employment of air support,the enhancement of the mandate of the home ministry,more vigorous pursuit of development programmes in the affected areas and other perspectives with alternative priorities. A large section of the political class,including those holding responsible positions in the ruling party,are of the view that Maoism is a reaction to lack of developmental benefits reaching the people of the areas affected and the multinational mining companies and to forest contractors depriving the people of the areas of their livelihood and subsistence rights,and therefore development should have priority over anti-Maoist counter-insurgency operations. But they do not explain how development activity can be pursued in an area where school buildings are blown up,roads are mined and doctors are killed.
This debate is likely to go on endlessly. Former chief ministers,present and former MPs and MLAs,do not care to explain why development did not reach these areas and what they did on their watch. They boast about their democratic accountability. If that was real,we should have a compilation of introspective accounts of what went wrong and therefore how to set it right. The horrible reality is both Maoists and some politicians across political parties have a common vested interest in keeping people poor and areas undeveloped so that they serve as their constituencies.
There are studies on business in conflict zones. In spite of conflicts in many countries of Africa,multinational companies manage to buy off authoritarian governments and insurgents opposed to them,and carry on business,making handsome profits. Similarly,it would appear that in the flawed Indian democratic system,sections of our political class have found ways and means of conducting politics in Maoist conflict zones. A certain level of conflict in their constituencies will perpetuate the poverty and backwardness,render votebanks purchasable at a lower cost,and more manipulable through caste and muscle politics. They would prefer development funds flowing into a somewhat disturbed area,from which siphoning off is easier,than have law and order well-established there,which would make it somewhat more difficult. It is said in one disturbed area school buildings were repeatedly constructed,blown up again and again,and the contractor and his political patron made a tidy packet.
Those politicians who shed tears for the tribals should be asked to explain what they did to alleviate the plight of the tribals through all these years. If the areas are backward it is because in the BIMARU states the money released for primary education since the beginning of the first five-year plan was siphoned off,while the other states performed better. It is not a coincidence that Maoism flourishes in states which have a poorer record in governance,in literacy and have a more intensive practice of casteism. These states have also come out with reservations on the Right to Education Act.
Just as in conflict-ridden nations of Africa both authoritarian governments and insurgents benefit out of manipulation by the multinationals,seeing them as mutual benefactors,in our case both Maoists and crypto-Maoist politicians see mutual benefits in the present system of misgovernance and corruption. Politicians misuse the police; then shed tears for the victims of police brutality; and will not agree to make the
police autonomous and accountable to the rule of law. Through the misuse of the police the Maoists are given a justification for their atrocities. It is argued that atrocities should not be put down,but more money should go to the disturbed areas to be siphoned off. There is thereby a symbiotic relationship between the Maoists and the crypto-Maoists functioning within the parliamentary system. That may explain why the Maoists do not disturb the elections and are even prepared to enter into tacit alliances with some political parties.
It is today conventional wisdom that the anti-Maoist strategy should be a two-pronged operation consisting of counterinsurgency operations and development. But the most important third prong is not mentioned,namely good and effective governance and corruption-free politics. In states which are growing fast the corrupt sections of the political class,inclined to make money fast,does so by tapping new industrialisation. In states where the sections of the political class feel that in order to sustain their votebanks and siphon off development funds disturbed conditions are to their advantage,it will be difficult to eliminate Maoism without addressing misgovernance and its offshoot,bureaucratic corruption. So long this reality is not faced,no augmentation of the mandate of the home ministry will help.
An anecdotal story has it that as soon as the Constituent Assembly passed the resolution on universal adult franchise,a wise senior statesman said since they had made the masses their masters they should start educating them. But one section of our politicians felt and continue to feel that they will be in more effective control if the masses are kept poor and uneducated. Maoism is an offshoot of this politics. You find this politics in the opposition to the Right to Education,land acquisition for highways and industrialisation,womens empowerment,globalisation,and every progressive measure to uplift the population as they shed crocodile tears for the common man.
Maoism is a political creed meant to subordinate the masses to an authoritarian and tyrannical regime by a self-nominated coterie,as also happens in some religious extremist dispensations. It has to be fought politically. But one finds the political parties except one or two,targeted by Maoists are themselves passive about taking the Maoists on ideologically. In fact what is happening is an ideological struggle between those who want to see India as a 21st century knowledge pool in the world,and others who will sacrifice national interests at the altar of their parochial and partisan politics and personal gain.
The writer is a senior defence analyst
express@expressindia.com