Opinion Bareilly is a symptom of decades old communal polarisation in UP

The incident must be understood within a larger context. Bareilly has a history of communal friction, where minor disputes over processions, loudspeakers, or allegations of disrespect to religious symbols have escalated into serious confrontations. In this case, the administration and the police appeared unprepared to handle such a massive gathering. The lack of intelligence inputs and preventive measures further worsened the unrest. Social media rumours also aggravated tensions.

The political atmosphere inflamed the situation. Just days earlier, posters declaring “I Love Adityanath” and “I Love Bulldozer” surfaced in Lucknow, projecting Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath’s bulldozer-driven governance as a symbol of strength. Opposition parties alleged that the BJP’s ecosystem intentionally fuels polarisation to consolidate its voter base.

At the outset, the statement, “I Love Muhammad”, cannot be considered offensive. Courts have repeatedly affirmed that the peaceful articulation of religious sentiments is not unlawful unless it incites violence or hatred. Proclaiming love for a religious figure like Prophet Muhammad cannot be criminalised in itself. In a plural democracy, such expressions must be seen as legitimate affirmations of faith rather than provocations.

Communalism and UP politics

One needs to read this current incident through a historical lens. Communalism has long cast a shadow over India’s social and political fabric, and nowhere has this been more visible than in Uttar Pradesh (UP). The state has experienced repeated cycles of communal mobilisation and everyday polarisation that have deeply influenced its electoral trajectory and social relations.

In the early years after Independence, communal forces were kept under check by Jawaharlal Nehru’s leadership and the adoption of a secular democratic constitution. The 1950s witnessed the gradual development of a composite culture and relative peace, with Muslims mostly supporting the Congress, which they perceived as a secular party protecting minority interests. Economic conditions within the community showed some improvement. But from the mid-1960s onwards, communal tensions started resurfacing. The promise of sustained harmony and secularisation gave way to growing estrangement and insecurity among Muslims. By the late 1980s and early 1990s, communal violence had become a recurrent phenomenon, culminating in the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992. This watershed event marked the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) as a decisive political force in UP.

In recent years, incidents like the 2006 Aligarh riots and 2013 Muzaffarnagar riots reinforced religious polarisation. The alleged displacement of tens of thousands of Muslims in Muzaffarnagar also highlighted the vulnerabilities of minorities.

Smaller-scale but recurring incidents, such as Bijnor (2016), Kasganj (2018), and Bahraich (2024), kept communal identities politically salient. Parties used these flashpoints to mobilise local vote banks, often framing elections as a contest between communities rather than purely development issues. The unrest over the Sambhal mosque demolition (2024) further altered the political landscape by highlighting state action against minority communities and raising questions about the fairness of law enforcement. These incidents, combined with the arrest of prominent Muslim leaders like Azam Khan or Irfan Solanki – both are now out on bail – weakened traditional Muslim political leadership.

Communalism in Uttar Pradesh reflects a deeper national struggle between polarisation and pluralism. While it has served as an effective tool for electoral consolidation, it has simultaneously deepened social divisions, particularly between Dalits and Muslims, undermining possibilities of solidarity among the marginalised.

In cases like Bareilly, therefore, sustainable solutions lie not in short-term crackdowns but in inclusive governance, equitable economic development, and renewed commitment to secular education.

The writer is a post-doctoral fellow at Aligarh Muslim University