Opinion Aizawl resurgence
The first point in the three-party Mizoram Democratic Alliances (MDAs) manifesto is telling: Based on the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People on September 13,2007,utmost effort will be taken for Zo reunification having separate governance under one umbrella. The Mizo National Front (MNF) and the Mizoram Peoples Conference (MPC) have joined forces once […]
The first point in the three-party Mizoram Democratic Alliances (MDAs) manifesto is telling: Based on the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People on September 13,2007,utmost effort will be taken for Zo reunification having separate governance under one umbrella. The Mizo National Front (MNF) and the Mizoram Peoples Conference (MPC) have joined forces once again in the MDA,despite simmering discontent in the parties rank and file. The assertions of the manifesto and this renewed alliance evoke memories not just of fiery 1966,when the Mizo insurgency for an independent homeland came to a head,but of the historic 1998 assembly elections,when the two parties worked together to claim 33 out of 40 seats and to end a decade of Congress rule.
In an election year marked by an eerie absence of strong issues,Mizo nationalism and re-unification have resurfaced as a poll plank. This resurgence may stem from several factors. Population growth is stagnating and even the church has advised married couples to have as many children as possible so that Mizos are not overwhelmed by other communities. Meanwhile,as civil society organisations crack down on narcotics and illicit alcohol,several ethnic Mizos who had immigrated from neighbouring Burma have become targets of vigilante action. This has generated sympathy and a sense of brotherhood with those from across the border.
In subtle recognition of the population issue,the MDA as well as the Zoram Nationalist Party,the underdog in Mizo politics,promise to push for greater protection and autonomy for Mizos under Indian laws and global agreements. This is meant to assuage tribal fears about being swamped by larger neighbouring communities. But this agenda was initially floated by politically neutral,mass-based civil society organisations,and it is yet to be seen if it can affect the Congresss chances of staying in power. In 1998,the partys downfall had been wrought by its own misrule and perceived financial corruption,rather than by ethnic sentiments. Ironically,the MNFs resounding defeat in 2008 is attributed to the same causes the electorate was enthused by the Congresss pre-poll promise of rooting out corruption.
The opposition has latched on to another,seemingly related,issue to bolster its nationalsim rhetoric: the sporting of a tilak by Chief Minister Lalthanhawla. In a state that is predominantly Christian,the red mark on the four-time chief ministers forehead,the opposition hopes,will create resentment against what it calls the Congresss politics of Indianisation. That the CM quotes liberally from the Bible and often invokes Christian charity to justify his governments beneficiary schemes is besides the point. The church seems to be wary of the CMs protestations that he was not bowing before foreign gods. Still,religious leaders have refrained from taking sides as the state goes to polls.
But it is the Mizoram Peoples Forum,made up of church leaders and civil society groups,that has set the ground rules for the clash of parties: limited banners and hoardings,no public meetings apart from the joint public meetings the forum organises,no working with rebel groups to win votes and so on.
There has been criticism of the forum,especially by the intelligentsia,which questions the role of faith-based organisation in a secular polity. But it is popularly believed that people are more tuned in to church activities (not just because of faith but because the various church denominations,especially the largest ones,are majorly financed by members contributions) than they are to the state government. The government gets just a tenth of its resources from the state the rest comes from the Centre. There is another factor that works in favour of the church and other members of the forum,such as the Young Mizo Association: their leaders are also elected through thoughtful democratic processes.
The Election Commission has been extremely supportive of civil societys role in keeping an eye on Mizorams elections. The chief election commissioner,V.S. Sampath,even reserved time to meet leaders while on a recent visit,breaking the established protocol where EC teams only meet political parties and state election officials.
Mizorams elections have led to a fascinating confluence,perhaps best illustrated by the fact that about a score of the 142 candidates who have filed nominations are church elders and many more teach at Sunday schools. As the elections draw near,one particular catchphrase has spread rapidly: Church leaders are increasingly talking about politics,while politicians are increasingly talking about god.
adam.halliday@expressindia.com
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