It has been evident for a while that the UPA 2 government needs a space for the Congress to sit across the table from its allies,not just a core committee in which it talks to itself. Speaking on the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Bills debacle in Rajya Sabha at this newspapers Idea Exchange programme last week,the Union minister of state for parliamentary affairs,V. Narayanasamy,admitted that the absence of an institutionalised engagement between the Congress and its allies was a problem. The time has come for UPA 2 to have a coordination committee,said the minister. It is easier said than done.
The Manmohan Singh government showcases an unlearning of coalition governance. While the National Front government of 1989 did not have a formal coordination mechanism,United Front governments between 1996 and 98 supported by the Congress from outside had a common minimum programme CMP,a steering committee,even a standing committee of the steering committee. Since then,right up to UPA 2,the repertoire of coordination mechanisms in coalition governments steadily grew,became more sophisticated. The BJP-led NDA government that ruled from 1999 to 2004 had a National Agenda of Governance,much cited for its relegation of the BJPs core issues. Its coordination committee extended negotiations between allies to the state level. When the UPA first came to power in 2004,it framed a CMP in consultation with the Left parties that supported it from outside. It had two coordination committees one for partners in the ruling coalition,and the other to link the government and the Left. Now,UPA 2 has reverted to personality-oriented interaction between Congress and its allies.
The Congress has always been a reluctant coalition-maker. Even so,the functioning of the Manmohan Singh government is remarkable for the extent of Congress hauteur on display. Ever since it failed to pilot the Lokpal bill through Rajya Sabha,Congress leaders have blamed the BJP when they have not pointed to the UPAs lack of numbers in the Upper House. The real gap,however,lies elsewhere and as Narayanasamy conceded,the Congress needs to mind it. In 2004,the Congress president was credited with the initiative to reach out to make new allies. Today she needs to lend her authority to the task of repairing equations with those who are already in the UPA. As the dominant partner,the onus is on the party to engage its allies,get them on board,cajole them when consensus eludes. It cannot confront them with unilateral decisions and expect them to fall in line. The spirited back-talk from its ally in Kolkata recently underlines it once again: the Congress no longer has the last word.