PM opens a window: ‘let’s monitor together’

But the unexpected nature of today’s announcement threw the Pakistani delegation for a few hours. ‘‘This idea can be tabled during the dialogue,’’ Information Minister nisar memon told AFP. ‘‘We will be happy to discuss with India all issues including suggestions that they may have to reduce tensions and resolve disputes through meaningful dialogue.’’

Just hours later, the Pak Foreign Office responded more skeptically. ‘‘Given the state of Pakistan-India relations, mechanisms for joint patrolling are unlikely to work,’’ Islamabad said, pointing out that the proposal was not new, but could be discussed ‘‘as soon as India signifies its willingness to resume a comprehensive dialogue with Pakistan.’’

Vajpayee quietly dealt this ace hours before US Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage was scheduled to arrive in Islamabad to drive home the point that the international community would do its utmost to avert a war.

Made under the full glare of the media, Vajpayee’s offer certainly caught the attention of the major Asian heads of state who had assembled in Almaty for the last two days to discuss security issues. Only to find that India and Pakistan had hijacked the summit from under their nose.

Before emplaning for Delhi, Vajpayee had said: ‘‘If Pakistan decides against encouraging infiltration, we are ready for a joint patrolling mechanism…We had to deploy troops along the border to stop infiltration. If Pakistan keeps its word and the situation on the ground is verified, then we can take steps towards de-escalation,’’ he added.

On arrival in Delhi, the PM said the international pressure had increased on Pakistan at Almaty summit to stop cross-border terrorism and once the proposal of joint patrolling was accepted, the details could be worked out.

Suddenly, it seemed, as if New Delhi’s new move had been made in response to repeated international pleas to allow ‘‘some sort of monitoring’’ of the LoC. Among the last to make such a proposal had been British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw during his visit to the region a few days ago.

With tensions currently at a monumental high, Pakistani analysts said they could hardly refuse the offer outright, especially when it was made with an eye to the impending American visits.

But the Pakistani observers also pointed to the Indian ‘‘ploy.’’ If Islamabad accepted the offer, they said, it would amount to a de facto acceptance of the Line of Control on the ground.

The 1988 offer for jointly patrolling the international boundary in Punjab, including joint ambush, joint hot pursuit and joint search, had been made by the Rajiv Gandhi government. Pakistan, in fact, had agreed to simultaneous and coordinated patrolling and an agreement was signed to this effect by the two Home ministries. But when the agreement fell apart, India decided to fence the border in this region.

Then in 1990, a month after the visit of then deputy CIA director Robert Gates, New Delhi proposed additional confidence-building measures to Pakistan. Amongst them, ‘‘that both sides should agree on effective joint patrolling, with the provision of jointly conducting hot pursuit in the Punjab border and all areas where the terrain permits along the LoC in J&K.’’ Pakistan never got back to New Delhi.