
It is absolutely right that there was a policy response to the 8216;Janadesh8217; rally 8212; 25,000 people marched to Delhi asking for land rights. But the response itself is absolutely wrong. There are rallies and morchas and not all can be or should be met with Central announcements of intent. But this rally was different because it highlighted a reality that the rally8217;s metropolitan sympathisers may have missed, but is clear to any objective observer: land rights are becoming an emotive and agitationally exploitative issue because regular jobs aren8217;t filtering down as quickly as they can. Given that, setting up a National Land Reform Council is, bluntly put, beside the point. Some history and some current facts need to be understood to appreciate this apparently 8216;non-progressive8217; argument.
The history is that India missed the bus on land reforms in the immediate post-Independence period. Indeed, Congress claims on being forever for the aam aadmi is most glaringly exposed when one looks back at Congress state governments8217; record at that time of colluding with anti-modern rural landed classes. Marxists in Bengal attempted land reform, with some positive results. But, as problemsof unregistered share-croppers showed during Singur agitations, more complications were created. The large point is that there may be a case for redistribution in some local cases but giving land rights nationally as a way to increase economic security is a non-option. This is because economic, social and agricultural dynamics are different now. Farming desperately needs efficient exploitation of very large holdings. Average land-holding size is very small and inefficient. And agriculture as it is now cannot support the number of Indians not in secondary and tertiary sectors. So whatever seems to be the apparent moral basis for 8216;universalisation8217; of pattas in rural India, as a policy it will not help intended beneficiaries.