Ivory tower now needs to slum it out

Sonia took the lead in patting herself on the back. Her opening address on July 7 — which turned out to be the most important document of the ‘‘brainstorming’’ session exceeding the official ‘‘Shimla Sankalp’’ in its scope — made it clear that she was the one and only boss in the party.

Frankly, from the time she took charge of the Congress in 1998, there was no doubt that she was the boss. After all, unlike family members of Mahatama Gandhi or Lal Bahadur Shastri, no member of the Nehru-Gandhi parivar has ever made his or her way up from the ranks. They start out at the top and when they slide down the ladder, they take the party with them.

So the real message from Shimla is not that Sonia is the undisputed leader. It is that, despite all the handicaps — of which her foreign origin is only the most obvious one — she has managed to improve the Congress’ fortunes and rejuvenate the Grand Old Party.

Sonia described the past five years as ‘‘a tremendous learning experience for me’’. While she consulted a wide range of people, ‘‘Ultimately, the decision is mine.’’ She revealed her inner identity, ‘‘By nature, I not only want to do the right thing but I also want to do a thing right.’’

But the reason behind Sonia’s confidence lay in concrete election results. In April 1998, when she became party president, the Congress had six chief ministers and participated in one other state government. Today, it rules 15 states and is partner in two other state governments.

But the real test lies ahead. Can Sonia effectively lead a coalition to power and can she be anywhere near as skilful as Atal Behari Vajpayee in managing contradictions and building consensus in a fractured polity?

As of now, the prognosis doesn’t look too good. Sonia may have gained in experience and self-confidence. But enthusing Congressmen is one thing, being a vote-catcher a la Indira Gandhi quite another.

Sonia has still not acquired the stature to take on Vajpayee in a one on one battle. Although opposition to her is less intense than it was five years ago, there is a sense of middle class unease with her foreign origins.

Instinctively, Sonia is not a ‘‘touchy-feely’’ politician. She needs to step outside her palace and become far more visible. Barring the occasional sound bite and off the record interaction with carefully selected journalists, Sonia has been fighting shy of the media. That won’t work anymore, not if she wants to lead a front from the front.

Second, Sonia has not displayed the humility and give and take spirit that is the hallmark of coalition politics. Used to long years of domination, Congress leaders have an innate arrogance that makes it difficult for them to talk to smaller parties as equals. Congress leaders, particularly the Nehru-Gandhi clan, are also imperious, so used to fawning courtiers.

All that will have to change if Sonia seeks to lead a coalition to power. The Mulayams, Laloos, Paswans and Pawars are leaders in their own right with far greater experience than Sonia. They may agree to a Sonia-led alliance but on their own terms — and will need to be handled with far more finesse and flexibility than Congressmen.

Sonia may have come a long way. But the road ahead is only longer and bumpier.