Role reversalAs long as the BJP was in the Opposition, it was understood in the party's inner circles that party president L.K. Advani was the boss rather than Atal Behari Vajpayee even though he was leader of the Opposition. But now that Vajpayee is Prime Minister, power equations have per force altered and whatever the power hierarchy in the BJP itself, the numerous alliance parties expect to deal directly with the Prime Minister and not the Home Minister, Advani.Advani's claim in a television interview that he persuaded Vajpayee to bring in Yashwant Sinha as finance minister was perhaps meant to indicate that he still called the shots. But it had a negative effect on the non-BJP supporters of the Government who asked why the PM - who was largely responsible for the success of the alliance - could not even get one man of his choice in the Cabinet.Naidu's non-entitiesIf Chandrababu Naidu eventually decides to take part in a BJP government, there will be few plum portfolios leftfor his party. But that may not be a deterrent since Naidu - perennially suspicious - does not want to promote anyone competent who would steal his thunder. Whether it is a Renuka Chaudhary, P. Upendra, M. Mudhukrishna Naidu or brother-in-law Venkateswara Rao, all were given the heave-ho by him. Which explains Naidu's uninspiring choice of G.M.C. Balayogi as Lok Sabha Speaker.During Naidu's visit to Delhi, the new Speaker, Balayogi, clutching three bouquets, announced he was going to call on the Chief Minister. His staff had to restrain him explaining that according to protocol he ranked above Naidu who would pay him a visit instead. Balayogi was chided by Naidu when the two met since an overwhelmed Speaker insisted on touching the Chief Minister's feet.Outsiders firstWHILE the BJP leadership is constantly soothing the ruffled feathers of its alliance parties, it has paid little heed to the discontentment brewing among its own MPs from Uttar Pradesh over the state's representation in theVajpayee ministry. While at the cabinet level, Vajpayee and Murli Manohar Joshi were obvious inclusions, there is a grouse that at the minister of state level, UP's share has been hogged largely by Johnny-come-latelies at the expense of the old party loyalists.UP Chief Minister Kalyan Singh and UP State president Rajnath Singh are furious at the induction of Maneka Gandhi, Som Pal and Satyapal Singh Yadav. Maneka fought as an Independent and Som Pal and Yadav joined the BJP just before the polls. While the Yadav vote went almost entirely to the Samajwadi Party and Som Pal's victory in Baghpat is considered a one-time phenomenon, MPs from the regions and castes responsible for the party's victory (Thakurs, OBCs such as the Lodhs and Kachis, and those from Uttarakhand) have been ignored. Despite their grounding in the shastras, the BJP leadership apparently believes in the Biblical parable that there is more rejoicing over one convert than 99 justly deserving souls.Speaking of new converts, the threeex-Congressmen in the Cabinet - P. R. Kumaramangalam, Buta Singh and V.K. Ramamurthy - have been handed the key economic portfolios of power, communication and petroleum. All three have indicated to their staff that they want super-fast action on pending deals and do not belong to the Swadeshi school of thought.Unstated policyFor Jaipal Reddy the news of Chandrababu Naidu quitting the United Front was in a way welcome news. The JD MP from the Telangana region of Andhra Pradesh has for quite a while been itching to lead the movement for a separate Telangana state. So far he was constrained because he could not defy the UF convenor, but now he is free to go ahead.On the other hand, the BJP which favours smaller States and has in its manifesto called for carving out separate states including Uttranchal, Vananchal and Chattisgarh, has been silent on the creation of Vidarbha and Telangana states. The first omission is because of pressure from the Shiv Sena and the latter probably because the BJPhad calculated that at some stage it would be smoking the peace pipe with Naidu.Lost freedomAfter experiencing the heady freedom of speaking their mind freely on the party functioning when P.V. Narasimha Rao and Sitaram Kesri were party presidents, Congressmen now find it a trifle stifling to adjust to Sonia Gandhi's regime. Congress MPs who have reservations about the new dispensation weigh their words carefully with the press for fear of being permanently black-balled for disloyalty.Sonia Gandhi runs the party a bit like a corporation, spending her mornings at the Rajiv Gandhi Foundation and her evenings at the party office and almost no one is allotted more than five minutes with ``madamji''.Malcontents who feel that the Congress is not aggressive enough towards the BJP Government are biding their time waiting to see what organisational changes Sonia makes and who she will induct into key committees. Actually, Sonia is quietly preparing an 18-point programme for implementationshortly. She also plans to campaign extensively in states where Assembly elections are due by the end of the year.