A product of paradox

Sultan Salahuddin Owaisi, who passed away on September 29, represents the complexity of post-Independence Indian politics in general, and more specifically, Muslim politics in Hyderabad. The Muslim elite of Hyderabad continue to nurture the historic memory that they were a ruling class. After the merger of Hyderabad state and formation of the state of Andhra Pradesh on linguistic grounds, Urdu-speaking Muslims felt marginalised in politics, economy and culture. When I met Owaisi once, reacting to the charge that Muslim minorities are a threat to national security, he was dismissive: what, after all, could minorities do after they had lost the army, power and access to resources? The surrender of the Muslim rulers of Hyderabad to the Indian army was still fresh in his memory. He carried the load of the atrocities committed by the Razakars — an anti-social force patronised by the then Nizam. It was, however, only in the 1960s, that he made a dent in politics when he became a municipal councillor in Hyderabad. He then consolidated his position and became an MLA in 1967 by defeating a Janasangh candidate. He was a member of the Assembly for four consecutive terms and was an MP from 1984 till 2004. He opted out of the last elections because of his failing health. His son Asaduddin Owaisi currently represents that constituency, and has now taken charge of the all India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (MIM). By any standards his record in parliamentary electoral politics is impressive. No wave, whether the Indira wave or the NTR wave could hit his solid electoral base.

Apart from his political career, he was proprietor of a minority educational establishment which runs a large number of institutions, including engineering and medical colleges. There is some controversy regarding the benefit that poor minorities could derive from these institutions. There are two sharply contrasting assessments of his overall contribution to the Muslim community of the old city — one that he amassed enormous wealth in the name of minorities, and was not of any help to the poorer Muslims; and that he has had a vested interest in the backwardness of his community. The contrasting view is that he was very generous and helped many poor Muslims and provided a sense of identity and solidarity, particularly when Hindu fundamentalism has ascended to power at the centre. Although under the impact of growing communalism, he fielded a few Hindu candidates and supported a Hindu candidate in becoming the mayor of Hyderabad, his image remained that of a communal leader.

Personalities like Salahuddin Owaisi are products of certain historical forces, and the way Indian politics underwent change during the last five -odd decades. Hindu communalism has given rise to an anti-Muslim sentiment, and Muslim communalism survived and thrived on fear and threat perception. Owaisi symbolised this crisis of Indian politics. His political career throws up certain challenges to Indian democracy. The most important challenge is why conditions of Muslims all over India, and more particularly in Hyderabad, remained so pathetic? Is it possible to build a secular and democratic India on such a denial and deprivation of dignity to the minorities? Owaisi is a product of these paradoxes. One has to see how Muslim minorities cope with his absence, and if his son, who is different from his father in style and manner, can fill the void that Owaisi’s death has created.

The writer teaches political science in the University of Hyderabad