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Journalism of Courage
The significance of Pakistan8217;s ceasefire offer in Kashmir and India8217;s unqualified acceptance has unfortunately been lost a bit in an atmosphere laden with pre-election politics, rhetoric and controversies. Beginning with New Delhi8217;s offer to talk with the Hurriyat at the highest levels to now this, the most promising ceasefire in more than a decade, there is a new, focused momentum to this process. Nobody believes that a settlement of the big issues is around the corner, but if the two foreign offices have been able to conduct their cross-talk over a whole month without calling each other names, something must have changed in our basic chemistry, even if until the next major terrorist strike.
That is why it is perhaps better that the latest events have not been accompanied by the usual euphoria and me-too statements by busybodies on both sides. Now, if this momentum has to be sustained and built upon to create the mood for a genuine, sustained and substantial dialogue, here are a few things Vajpayee must ensure8230;
8226; De-hype the SAARC Summit: The moment the elections are over, the question that will be asked all the time will be, will Vajpayee meet Musharraf during the SAARC summit in Islamabad. Let us learn to say something more nuanced than the usual, rude, 8216;8216;there will be no bilateral meeting until cross-border terrorism ends with verifiable finality8217;8217;. Could it, instead, be more on the lines of how seriously we take SAARC which is essentially a multilateral forum, that it is unfortunate that its growth has been stifled because its members get too caught up in bilateral issues, so let there be no confusion, Indo-Pakistan relationship is complex, any talks to stabilise it will be a long haul at various levels and a short meeting in the SAARC backdrop cannot be such an earth-shattering idea one way or the other. And at the same time, that we respect our hosts and will do nothing to be impolite to them. A good partyline would be to de-hype the very idea of a summit, body language, whether they shake hands or not, etc. It should be sufficient to say that issues are complex and have to be addressed at many different levels and what we have seen so far are just the first stirrings of a new mood. And irrespective of how often the two leaders meet, there is still a lot of work to be done before you can start talking of a substantive summit.
8226; Don8217;t relax on the ground: Remember that each effort towards a positive movement has been greeted by major sabotage. A massacre of Hindus took place while Vajpayee was in Lahore in 1998 and when this did not deter him, Kargil happened. So don8217;t let your guard down under any circumstances. No infiltration should be allowed just because there is a ceasefire. Further, the bad guys who are already in the Valley should not be allowed to take advantage of the situation to lick their wounds, recover, reorganise or relocate. It should be made clear to Pakistan and the international community that operations against them must continue because they have a very nasty potential 8212; and vested interest 8212; in derailing any peace process.
At a larger level, too, do not become too trusting or gullible. It is difficult to see the generals indulging in another Kargil-type betrayal again. But your expectations of intellect and maturity of minds nurtured for decades in the hateful cantonment marinade can8217;t be too high. So, engage, but don8217;t be complacent even for a moment.
8226; Be prepared for setbacks: There can always be significant terror strikes in the run-up to the SAARC Summit. There can also be offensive statements that will require response in kind. Obviously, it is nobody8217;s case that we should ignore any of this. But in the moment of anger or provocation never overlook the big picture. The biggest problem in the India-Pakistan relationship is the oral tradition of diplomacy that we share. Even in the worst phases of the Cold War, the US and the Soviet Union did not conduct their diplomacy by talking at each other at press conferences in the manner India and Pakistan love to do. So irrespective of the discipline you impose, some big mouths on both sides will talk and say things more damaging than even terror attacks. Be prepared, therefore, for a Sheikh Rashid or his equivalent this side shooting his mouth off.
8226; Don8217;t slow down the good movement: Remember, the main reason we have seen this turnaround is the Kashmir election of 2002 and the installation of the Mufti government. The election cannot be seen as an isolated bit of good news by itself. It signifies a rare coalescing of Indian popular will and political wisdom across party lines. The impartiality with which the election was conducted, the courage of the Kashmiris who defied the gun to vote, the determination of the armed forces who made it possible and the maturity with which both the Congress and the BJP have conducted themselves have together produced this remarkable achievement. Further, from all accounts it seems that the Mufti government has, perhaps for the first time in Kashmir8217;s history, focused on issues of real governance and development 8212; roads, power, schools and hospitals. Mufti has walked the trickiest of tightropes most skillfully acting as an honourable nationalist without being seen as a collaborator or a toady by fellow Kashmiris.
The democratic process, now the invitation to the Hurriyat, the various elements of the healing touch policy, are all elements of this positive momentum. It must not be allowed to slow down. If the peace process and negotiations gather momentum, nothing will strengthen our case better than democracy and contentment in our own Kashmir. If there is a setback and you have to return to fighting, it won8217;t hurt anyway if meanwhile the sullenness index in the Valley has fallen a bit.
It is most important to see beyond the January SAARC summit. We need to determine our objectives and then make sure we don8217;t work at cross purposes with ourselves. The problem arises when objectives are not clear and you are playing for time. Then actions and reactions become a substitute for policy. Nobody can promise if the generals would ever learn. But for Vajpayee this is both a challenge and an opportunity to script a lasting policy with a clear set of objectives, howsoever far in the future.
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