The rise and fall of the Kakas — and Akali Dal

This seismic shift in the Akali ideology, while procuring power for the party for 15 years in the state, also carried in it the seeds of the existential crisis which it faces today. Parkash Singh Badal took oath as CM of Punjab with a galaxy of national leaders in attendance. Sikh politics moved from anti-Centre to a cooperative federalism. The new CM had an populist, all-inclusive agenda. But the first promise he broke was with the Sikh diaspora hoping to pinpoint the blame for faulty and destructive policies that were the hallmark of the period of militancy. He went back on his promise to hold a judicial enquiry into the decade-long militancy by remarking that “it would open old wounds” and it was a time for hope. Petals were showered when he reached his office in the civil secretariat for the first time after taking oath.

As the Akali leadership started getting comfortable with power, its character underwent a drastic change. The cadre-driven democratic setup of the party turned strongly dynastic. From the rustic, honest and simple ‘jathedar’ system, decision making now started resting with family members of the newly appointed Cabinet ministers. The party was now in the grip of “Kaka jis” which resulted in the Congress-isation of the Akali Dal.

Between 1997 and 2017, the party enjoyed power for 15 years, thanks to Badal’s strategic alliance with BJP. The combination of rural Sikh vote with urban Hindu vote was an electoral jackpot, but ironically instead of strengthening the party, it weakened the party which was inundated  with profit-seekers and sycophants. There were numerous instances of ‘son-rise’ as children of party veterans rushed to enjoy the spoils of power. They monopolised positions in the government as well as in the party, down to the district level.

The cadre felt marginalised, having to play second fiddle to Kakajis half their age. As the party policies grew more liberal, its core electoral base of peasantry and urban Khatri voters was called upon to make more and more compromises with their traditional ideology.

Then the mantle of the party president passed on from Parkash Singh Badal to his son Sukhbir Singh Badal. It was for the first time in the history of the party that a son succeeded his father as president.

Then came the desecration or ‘beadbi’ of Sri Guru Granth Sahib. A series of such incidents began in October 2015, with the first one reported from Bargari  village in Faridkot district. During the subsequent protests by the sangat, police resorted to unprovoked firing on  unarmed protesters killing two and injuring scores of others. The Badal government was seen dragging its feet in pursuing the matter with nobody from the Akali hierarchy visiting the bereaved families. The core base of the party was enraged, and in the ensuing assembly elections of 2017,  Akali Dal was unable to even claim the mantle of the main opposition party, which was claimed by Aam Aadmi Party, fighting its first Assembly polls in Punjab.

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But the worst was still to come. With the party president failing to win back its support base, it could win only two seats out of 13 in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. All eyes were now trained on the 2022 assembly polls. But before that, a part of Akali Dal under the leadership of Sukhdev Singh Dhindsa parted ways with the Badals to team up with the BJP. Punjab went to polls this winter with all the parties hoping against hope to become the single largest grouping. The results stunned even the most astute observers of the state. The Aam Admi party received a thumping mandate of 92 legislators, while Akali Dal was all but decimated with just 3 out of 117 seats. Almost its entire leadership was wiped out with even the patriarch Parkash Singh Badal losing from his pocket borough of Lambi.

(The author has remained an office-bearer of Shiromani Akali Dal (Badal) from 1999 to 2017. He is now in Aam Aadmi Party)