UPSC Essentials | Mains answer practice — GS 2: Questions on Right to Education and India-Canada relations (Week 108)

QUESTION 1

Discuss how relying on Centrally Sponsored Schemes (CSS) to implement fundamental rights, such as the Right to Education (Article 21A), can jeopardise cooperative federalism in India.

QUESTION 2

Examine how India’s invitation to the G7 conference in Canada marks a diplomatic reset in India-Canada relations.

General points on the structure of the answers

Introduction

— The introduction of the answer is essential and should be restricted to 3-5 lines. Remember, a one-liner is not a standard introduction.

— It may consist of basic information by giving some definitions from the trusted source and authentic facts.

Body

— It is the central part of the answer and one should understand the demand of the question to provide rich content.

— The answer must be preferably written as a mix of points and short paragraphs rather than using long paragraphs or just points.

— Using facts from authentic government sources makes your answer more comprehensive. Analysis is important based on the demand of the question, but do not over analyse.

QUESTION 1: Discuss how relying on Centrally Sponsored Schemes (CSS) to implement fundamental rights, such as the Right to Education (Article 21A), can jeopardise cooperative federalism in India.

Note: This is not a model answer. It only provides you with thought process which you may incorporate into the answers.

Introduction:

— Centrally Sponsored Schemes (CSS) play an important role in governance. They are Constitutional conditional grants that the Centre unilaterally designs and partially funds, with state governments implementing them.

— The disbursement of the Centre’s share under the CSS is subject to certain criteria and is governed by a set of procedures and compliance standards. For example, the Ministry of Education’s Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan is a comprehensive school education program. It combines three CSS: Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA), Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan (RMSA), and Teacher Education (TE), all of which seek to provide equitable quality school education from pre-school to senior secondary level in India, as well as support for teacher training and system strengthening. The fund-sharing ratio between the Centre and the states (excluding Northeastern states) is 60:40.

Body:

You may incorporate some of the following points in your answer:

— CSS, in the lack of transparency and uniform enforcement, risks becoming a tool of budgetary coercion in the hands of the Centre rather than an instrument to promote cooperative government. This goes against the essence of federalism.

— This is because the CSS financial mechanism is not governed by a specific statute, but rather by executive instructions under Article 282 of the Constitution. Article 282 empowers both the Union and the states to make discretionary grants for any “public purpose” that falls outside of their respective legislative jurisdiction. Although Article 282 was never intended to be a regular channel for fiscal transfers from the Union to the states, over time, numerous “one-size-fits-all” discretionary schemes have given the Centre influence over subjects outside of its legislative competence.

— For example, the Centre has connected the distribution of funding for Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan to the states’ compliance of the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and the PM SHRI Schools program, which Tamil Nadu, West Bengal, and Kerala oppose. This has suspended admissions for the academic year 2025-26 under the Right to Education Act in Tamil Nadu, demonstrating how CSS, with their stringent criteria and lack of flexibility, can stymie state capability.

— When CSS are used as a political tool rather than a policy tool, the fundamental goals of cooperative federalism deteriorate, with the poorest, particularly in this case, children, bearing the brunt of the consequences. The right to education is guaranteed by Article 21A of the Constitution, which declares free and compulsory education a fundamental right for all children aged 6 to 14. However, the fulfilment of the right to education is dependent on cooperative federalism, as education is on the Concurrent list.

— When the Right to Education is implemented through various programs, access to fundamental rights becomes subject to political alignments between governments. This undermines both the notion of cooperative federalism and the fundamental right to education.

Conclusion:

— Because there is no clear constitutional or statutory framework governing the design and implementation of CSS, the ongoing standoff between TN and the Centre provides an important opportunity for the Supreme Court to consider whether certain rights-based entitlements (such as the fundamental right to education) should be protected from coercive tactics used by one level of government against another.

— The Constitution prohibits a system in which executive discretion or ideological conformity governs the enforcement of rights that are intended to be universal and inalienable. The current case provides the Supreme Court with a rare chance to answer the above question by reconsidering its interpretation of Article 282 and establishing explicit constitutional boundaries on the use of CSS in order to restore balance in Centre-State relations and ensure that fundamental rights are not negotiable.

(Source: Right to education is non-negotiable. It shouldn’t depend on Centre-state relations)

Points to Ponder

Read about Article 21-A

Read more about federalism

Related Previous Year Questions

The Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016 remains only a legal document without intense sensitisation of government functionaries and citizens regarding disability. Comment. (2022)

Analyse the role of local bodies in providing good governance at the local level and bring out the pros and cons of merging rural local bodies with urban local bodies. (2024)

QUESTION 2: Examine how India’s invitation to the G7 conference in Canada marks a diplomatic reset in India-Canada relations.

Note: This is not a model answer. It only provides you with thought process which you may incorporate into the answers.

Introduction:

— India and Canada have now begun to turn a new page in their bilateral relationship. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent visit to Canada for the G7 conference yielded considerable favourable results.

— The meeting was a “foundational” step towards establishing India-Canada relations. Following the conference, Carney openly acknowledged India’s “natural” and “consistent” role at the G7 table, demonstrating Canada’s awareness of India’s growing global status and the Carney administration’s realistic resolve to fix deteriorating bilateral ties.

Body:

You may incorporate some of the following points in your answer:

— The Prime Minister of Canada underlined India’s significance, citing the “size and dynamism of the Indian economy, Indian technology, and its role in a host of venues, G20 and beyond.”

— This recognition is important to India’s viewpoint. Carney, a proponent of Canada being an “energy superpower,” praised India’s involvement in the energy revolution. PM Modi reciprocated during the Outreach Session by emphasising the importance of global energy security through sustainable and green pathways.

— India’s activities include the International Solar Alliance (ISA), the Coalition for Disaster-Resilient Infrastructure (CDRI), and the Global Biofuels Alliance. Modi’s persistent advocacy for the Global South’s concerns at such a high-profile gathering bolstered India’s position as their primary voice.

— The Indian Prime Minister also restated India’s stance on terrorism, urging G7 leaders to galvanise global action and advocating for tough penalties against those who advocate and support it. The discussions also centred on technology and innovation, namely the AI-energy nexus and quantum-related challenges.

— Carney’s realistic and encouraging description of their encounter as a “foundation and necessary first step” reflected a common desire to rebuild. PM Modi stated firmly that national security and the fight against terrorism are non-negotiable priorities in India.

Conclusion:

— The most tangible result is an agreement to re-establish the role of the high commissioners. Their absence had left a visible hole, hampering diplomatic functions and hurting interpersonal and corporate relationships. Restoring these critical diplomatic posts, together with restarting senior and working-level engagements, is more than just a formality; it reflects a clear intent to restore normalcy and important services.

— India has regularly supplied proof and requested action against elements on Canadian soil that promote secessionism against India. A relationship based on “mutual respect” requires Canada to address these basic Indian concerns seriously and with concrete action.

(Source: One visit, many openings: At G7, a step forward in India-Canada ties)

Points to Ponder

Read more about India-Canada relations

Read more about G7

Related Previous Year Questions

Do you think that BIMSTEC is a parallel organisation like the SAARC? What are the similarities and dissimilarities between the two? How are Indian foreign policy objectives realized by forming this new organisation? (2022)

Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) is transforming itself into a trade bloc from a military alliance, in present times Discuss. (2020)

Previous Mains Answer Practice

UPSC Essentials: Mains answer practice — GS 3 (Week 108)

UPSC Essentials: Mains answer practice — GS 3 (Week 107)

UPSC Essentials: Mains answer practice — GS 2 (Week 106)

UPSC Essentials: Mains answer practice — GS 2 (Week 107)

UPSC Essentials: Mains answer practice — GS 1 (Week 106)

UPSC Essentials: Mains answer practice — GS 1 (Week 107)

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