Opinion IIT-BHU row and a question: When threats to their safety abound, how can women play an active part in public life?

Every few months, reports with worrying statistics about the safety of women in our country are released. The National Crime Record Bureau’s (NCRB) annual report for 2022 is one recent example. It raises, yet again, profound concerns regarding the position of women within the Indian republic and brings into question the quality of democracy in the country.

In 1989, Carole Pateman provided us with a window into the issue at hand. In her seminal work Disorder of Women: Democracy, Feminism and Political Theory, she argues that if a genuine democracy is to be created, the problem of the content and value of women’s contribution as citizens and the meaning of citizenship itself has to be confronted. It is high time we ask: Do women truly embody the spirit of “We the People of India” as envisioned in our Constitution? The disheartening statistics on crimes against women, both within their households and in the nation at large, prompt us to reflect on the reality.

In 2022, crimes against women increased by 4 per cent compared to the previous year, with 4,45,256 reported cases. Metropolitan cities witnessed a surge of 12.3 per cent in reported crimes, totalling 48,755 cases.

These distressing statistics not only challenge women’s safety but also hobble their active participation in public life. How can women contribute to our nation’s progress or benefit from it, when their daily existence is marred by potential threats?

The data presents an ugly picture: A staggering 4,45,256 cases of crimes against women were reported in 2022, equating to nearly 51 FIRs lodged every hour, a substantial increase from the previous year. This scenario raises pertinent questions about women’s ability to exercise their constitutional rights. Does the Indian Republic ensure the dignity it promised to all its citizens? Regrettably, the answer to these questions is no.

Indian sociologist and feminist legal scholar, Pratiksha Baxi, rightly argues that the prevailing political discourse often reduces women to cultural and national symbols (“daughter/beti”). This reduction allows the state to superficially address women’s issues in speeches or relegate them to mere developmental projects. Consequently, women lose their agency within the nation and themselves. The hard-fought language of rights and autonomy in the Indian feminist movement now contends with being overshadowed by notions of kinship and pride.

Uttar Pradesh registered the highest number of crimes against women. In November, the state disallowed women students from attending late-evening classes in private coaching institutes, ostensibly due to security concerns. This move unjustly strips women of their agency and prevents them from realising their aspirations, exacerbating their marginalisation.

Earlier this month, history tragically repeated itself when a 20-year-old Dalit woman was allegedly raped in a moving bus from Rajasthan to Uttar Pradesh. What differed this time was our reaction. This incident received minimal attention and did not trigger widespread outrage, highlighting the entrenched nature of casteism in society. The NCRB report confirms this by showing a significant surge in violence against SC and ST women, by 13.1 per cent and 14.3 per cent respectively.

A staggering 31.4 per cent of the cases under crimes against women were attributed to “cruelty by husband or his relatives”, highlighting the futility of confining women within the home for their safety. The NCRB reported in 2015 that 86 per cent of rape victims across the country knew the perpetrator, often a family member or a close relative — individuals traditionally considered trustworthy.

Eleven years after the horrific 2012 Delhi gang rape case, the city continues to lead in the rate of FIRs for crimes against women. With 14,247 cases in 2022 alone, well above the national average, the capital remains unsafe for women. When even the capital city — boasting security measures, CCTV surveillance, and government institutions — fails to ensure women’s safety, one can only imagine their plight in rural and peripheral regions.

Addressing the structural challenges posed by patriarchy is imperative. Perpetrators of crimes against women operate within a framework where they feel empowered and unaccountable for their actions. Instead of burdening women further, the discourse should pivot to holding these perpetrators accountable. Institutional reforms, heightened awareness, and education are vital to combat the mindset breeding such crimes.

The plight of women in our society demands a transformative shift in our approach. Thus far, the predominant focus has revolved solely around catering to the immediate survival needs of women. This limited focus relegates women to passive recipients of state assistance and benevolence, failing to address the fundamental strategic needs that cater to their active roles within their homes, society, and the nation.

The existing political discourse remains ensnared within patriarchal structures, sidelining critical issues concerning women’s agency and autonomy. Until these foundational issues take centre stage in our societal dialogue, women will continue to be marginalised and their potential will remain untapped.

Without confronting these entrenched structural barriers and reshaping the political discourse, genuine progress towards inclusion and active participation of women in public life will remain a distant aspiration. As a result, the republic will fall short of fulfilling its promise of equality for all.

The writer is Doctoral Researcher at Department of Political Science, University of Delhi