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Opinion Can understanding caste as a ‘way of life’ bring about true equality or inclusion?

The PM Vishwakarma Scheme that aims to honour ‘caste-based’ occupations and the NEP offering skill-based training can allow for a semblance of inclusion, but it is not necessarily equality given the violence that often accompanies discrimination.

Ambedkar too was concerned about the inclusion of the Dalits. (File)

November 15, 2024 06:16 AM IST First published on: Nov 14, 2024 at 07:30 PM IST

The practice of caste in India has gone through several changes. This has meant the “secularisation of caste” as well as the “politicisation of caste”. Now, it has taken a turn towards the culturalisation of caste — caste as a “way of life”. Culturalisation signifies celebrating cultural practices related to food, marriage, ceremonies, and modes of worship, foregrounding local caste deities and caste occupations — not only to mark differences and assign hierarchy but also to integrate into a larger cultural landscape.

This is certainly not new. It goes back to the famous debate between Gandhi and B R Ambedkar. While Ambedkar saw articulating differences as important for the mobility of “depressed classes” and castes, Gandhi put a premium on common cultural sensibilities and solidarity. Gandhi valued the notion of the collective and, therefore, did not want modern ideals of equality to take away from the co-responsibility of communities. Political philosopher and Gandhian scholar Akeel Bilgrami argues that Gandhi was critical of achieving equality through liberal state apparatus and monetisation of social relations. He was a critic of both the state and the market and preferred to foreground the community. It is in this context that Gandhi supported varnashrama dharma as a social method of teaching self-limiting, forbearance, self-control (brahmacharya) and co-responsibility. The varna system preserved cultural heterogeneity while preserving a larger sense of cultural unity.

Caste and prejudice

Ambedkar, on the other hand, equated varna and caste with prejudice and discrimination. Therefore, he did not want Dalits to identify as Hindus. Gandhi thought Dalits identifying as Hindus is important to enforce inclusion. Ambedkar’s idea of inclusion was closer to the modern notion of fraternity, though he did qualify that his fraternity was not that of the French Revolution but came from the Buddhist notions of maitreyi (friendship).

Ambedkar too was concerned about the inclusion of the Dalits. He rejected the idea of their conversion into Islam and Christianity as it seemed to “de-nationalise” the Dalits. Such a view comes tantalisingly close to Savarkar’s understanding of religious nationalism. Ambedkar understood this as he argued that peninsular India had a fundamental cultural unity, “which makes a problem of caste difficult to be explained.” How could such a deep sense of cultural-civilisational unity or commonality co-exist with a steep sense of difference and prejudice?

The rightward shift of Dalits and OBCs is based on this civilisational sense of unity that is currently being articulated as “Hindu”, not in a religious sense but also communitarian and indic-civilisational. This porous reading of being “Hindu”, allows for simultaneous inclusion and exclusion. RSS refers to Muslims being “Hindus” in this cultural-civilisational sense — but does it also not mean simultaneous subjugation of the minority to the will of the majority? This concern is also relevant in the context of mobilisation of smaller caste (sub-caste) groups. RSS has reached out to the tribal belt by resignifying local tribal deities as local avatars — Hindu gods and goddesses. There is an equivalence, continuity and integration. But this could also be framed as forceful assimilation. How does RSS respond to the Sarna code, which is a separate religion and not part of the Hindu pantheon? It either obfuscates the identity of or anoints President Droupadi Murmu as she is seen visiting and sweeping at a Hindu temple. This is essentially symbolic empowerment as “inclusion” running alongside the assimilation narrative. The lines between the two are blurred.

As occupation

Subaltern castes, however, are open to the processes of culturalisation of caste. This may have to do with globalisation and post-Westphalian imagination where the castes want to retain their cultural practices but through greater integration into the nation-state. Here, nationalism, religiosity and culture exist concurrently, not necessarily contesting each other. The “civilisation” discourse, unlike what American political scientist Samuel P Huntington predicted, has not undermined the nation-state but has instead aided hyper-nationalism. The spread of the market and technology has impacted the “localised” imagination around caste and tribe.

The impact of the culturalisation of caste also extends to social and economic policy as the economy is part of the cultural sphere. The PM Viswakarma Scheme, which aims to honour artisans and craftspeople, essentially honours caste-based practices of blacksmiths, potters, and others by giving loans for these occupations. Similarly, the Kashi Vishwanath corridor is another instance where tourism, infrastructure, and economic opportunities, part of the development discourse, are a religio-cultural framing. This, however, is by no means limited to the BJP-RSS combine. Regional leaders like K Chandrashekar Rao in Telangana also announced special packages for caste-based professions whereby funding is made available to barbers to open modern salons and potters would be offered modern machinery. Upgrading and skill development are being linked to a discourse of caste as a “way of life”.

Inclusion without equality

This is further institutionalised through the National Education Policy. NEP makes it mandatory for all children till Class 8 to do vocational courses. RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat recently argued that the problem of unemployment in India is linked to the problem of dignity of labour. If people felt dignified in their caste-based occupations, there may be much less unemployment in India. NEP offers students options to drop out of formal education to pursue more skill-based career options, as opposed to knowledge-based. Would this not translate into certain castes continuing with the pursuit of higher education-mental labour and others continuing with manual labour, without a sense of stigma?

Culturalisation of caste can allow inclusion, without equality. But can inclusion replace equality in peninsular India? Especially when it is qualified by the violence and mob lynching on account of the consumption of beef and the forceful implementation of vegetarianism. Will such forcefully put down differences re-assert through the narratives of caste census or will communities, for the moment, prefer to settle down with qualified inclusion?

The writer teaches political science at JNU. His most recent book is Politics, Ethics and Emotions in ‘New India’