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Journalism of Courage
Casual observation, anecdotal evidence and occasional reports in the media over the years have provided ample evidence that Muslims, as a group, constitute a relatively deprived section of Indian society. The Sachar Committee has done a commendable job of adding flesh to the bare bones of this surmise. A wealth of empirical data has been collected by the Committee, and this information would be highly useful in conducting a proper analysis of the problem and the best ways of tackling it.
It is regrettable that the issue has provided yet another opportunity to the army of professional commentators and politicians to indulge in the familiar game of blaming real and imagined enemies. And unfortunately the Sachar Committee has directly contributed to the confusion by suggesting remedies not supported by its own valuable data.
For over 700 years, Muslim dynasties ruled a large part of India. Over the years, a number of locals converted to Islam. Muslims defined the social order and occupied its most important positions. The advent of the British introduced a decisive change. Improvement in the economic welfare of Indians was not a conscious part of the British enterprise. However, technological changes were creating new opportunities. Hindus exploited these new opportunities, while Muslims remained largely wedded to an old lifestyle. The cumulative impact of such changes over 200 years decisively changed the fortunes of the two communities.
It is instructive in this context to study the differential experience of Hindu, Muslim and Sikh emigrants in the UK today. A large number of emigrants came here from roughly similar socio-economic backgrounds in Punjab. Emigrants from Jalandhar, Hoshiarpur or Ludhiana, like the emigrants from Sargoda, Sialkot or Multan, were largely illiterate and unskilled. The first generation worked in factories and shops for a pittance. But over 50 years, the paths of the two communities have diverged. Hindu and Sikh emigrants have embraced modern education and children from these communities are consistently among the country8217;s top performers. The participation of these two communities in the political process is, however, very limited.
In contrast, while Muslim children have been consistent low achievers in schools and Muslim girls are still a rarity in the workplace, religious leaders have very considerable power and influence in the community. They have systematically used this power to prevent the infusion of modern ideas. Despite sustained efforts by governments committed to the extension of equal opportunities, Muslims preferred isolation. However, they emerged as a very powerful political force. Muslim votes, particularly for Labour, can make a decisive difference in at least 35 constituencies. Muslims want to use political power to seek hand-outs and resist all those changes which are necessary to exploit economic and professional opportunities.
Even a cursory examination of our recent history would suggests that the advancement of individuals and groups in the contemporary market place requires a clear change in attitudes. Often these changes cannot be easily reconciled with some of our cherished values. A trade-off however is unavoidable. The accumulating mass of evidence reveals that Muslims, especially their religious leaders, are resisting the changes that are essential for progress. Without these changes, the allocation of additional resources would not materially improve the community8217;s fortunes.
