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This is an archive article published on October 13, 2002

The hottest seat in Srinagar

THIS is Jammu and Kashmir Congress president Ghulam Nabi Azad’s finest hour. The man often taunted for not having a base in his home st...

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THIS is Jammu and Kashmir Congress president Ghulam Nabi Azad’s finest hour. The man often taunted for not having a base in his home state has gone and written its success story there, wresting seats from the BJP in its Jammu turf. And, in the process, bringing the party close to power after 27 years of Abdullah domination of the state.

But if Azad is not celebrating yet, there is a reason. The job for which he is a top contender is perhaps the toughest in the country, plus he can take it only as the head of a coalition government susceptible to various pulls and pressures. All the possible coalition partners of the Congress are ideologically poles apart from its traditional political stand on Kashmir.

The story of Azad’s rise is interesting. Born in the remote village of Soti in Balesa area of Doda district in 1948, his first contact with politics came in 1975, soon after he completed his masters degree in zoology from Kashmir University at Srinagar. He became the Youth Congress president in 1975. Two years later, at the height of the anti-Indira Gandhi wave sweeping the country, he contested assembly elections from his home constituency of Inderwal and lost. Azad was so heartbroken that he left not only his home but also state politics and shifted to Delhi.

In 1978, he became the All India Youth Congress general secretary as well as the president of the All India Muslim Youth Conference. However, burnt in his first electoral attempt, Azad chose to contest his next one from Maharashtra. In 1979, he was elected to Parliament on a Congress ticket from Washim.

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Azad was also elected the All India Youth Congress president, thus emerging as a national-level leader. In 1982, he was inducted into the Congress ministry and made deputy minister of Law Justice and Company Affairs in the Indira Gandhi government. He was soon shifted as deputy minister of Information and Broadcasting. In 1984, he returned to Parliament from Washim again and later held the post of minister of state for Parliamentary affairs and Food. Later, he was made junior home minister at the Centre in 1987.

After becoming the Congress general secretary he was inducted into the P.V. Narsimha Rao cabinet as Parliamentray Affairs minister. From 1993 to 1997, Azad held the cabinet berth in Civil Aviation and Tourism Ministry and was again made the party’s national general secretary.

When he was finally sent as the Congress’s J-K chief in 1992, he did not hide his displeasure. In fact, the buzz in Congress circles was that Azad had been deliberately dumped in J-K to bury his political career in a state where the Congress was in complete mess and plagued with infighting.

But Azad eventually returned victorious, leading the party to the polls and winning for it 20 seats, which is more than double its 1996 strength.

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If Azad becomes the chief minister, he will be the first state politician belonging to the Jammu region to become the head of state. The tradition has always been that the CM comes from the Valley.

In fact, Azad’s candidature is being supported by some political archrivals within the Congress just so to break this tradition. Some say the fact that he is a Muslim from Jammu actually makes his case that much stronger.

However, that depends on whether he is able to make that stick against the strong Kashmir-Jammu regional divide in the state. One likely coalition partner of the Congress, the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), finds it extremely difficult to accept him, claiming Kashmiris will not take this shift of the epicentre of power to Jammu.

Of course, the other reason is that the PDP has two chief ministerial candidatesof its own — the father-daughter duo of party chief Mufti Mohammad Sayeed and Mehbooba Mufti.

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Mufti, who held the Union home minister’s post when Kashmir errupted in 1990, is the seniormost politician of Kashmir. Mufti did his degree in law from Aligarh Muslim University in 1959 and immediately after his return to the Valley, joined the Democratic National Conference, an NC splinter group.

In 1962, he was elected to the Assembly. By 1967, he was inducted as agriculture minister in the J-K government led by Sadiq by. When there was infighting in the government between Mir Qasim and Sadiq, Mufti joined the Qasim camp and resigned in 1969. When Qasim became the chief minister in 1972, he was inducted as works minister and later became the education minister.
In 1975, Mufti became the state president of the Congress. But in 1987, he left that party too to join the Janata Dal. He was inducted as Union home minister in 1989, a post he held for just 11 months but which left a deep impact on his political career in Kashmir. His daughter Rubaiya Sayeed was kidnapped by militants in 1990 and was released only after five top JKLF militants were released in exchange.

Also, Kashmir witnessed some of the worst massacres at the hands of security forces during his tenure as home minister, a grudge many Kashmiris nurse against him even today. (In fact, this was the main criticism the PDP had to face during this election campaign.)
Later, Mufti returned to the Congress and his other daughter, the firebrand leader Mehbooba Mufti, won the 1996 assembly polls on the party ticket. However, Mufti split the party again and formed the PDP after claiming he was frustrated by the Congress high command’s policies on Kashmir.

Mehbooba resigned from the Assembly and worked hard to create the PDP as a regional political force. The party harped on a strong pro-Kashmiri line. In fact, its 2002 poll manifesto is extremely sympathetic to the separatists. It has 16 seats in the new House and has secured the third position. But its importance lies in the fact that it dislodged the NC from its traditional stronghold in the Valley.

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However, if the people in the Valley could choose their chief minister, they would select Mehbooba, who is seen as a sincere and clean politician. It is she who singlehandedly spearheaded the PDP campaign against the NC. If anybody deserves the credit of dismantling the Abdullah clan and defeating Omar Abdullah at his traditional family home turf, it is Mehbooba. But her main hurdle may be her own party, where many party legislators may not accept her as their head.

As for Azad, even if he doesn’t make it to the top post in J-K, his stature has changed forever and the Congress will have to accomodate him at a very senior level in Delhi.

The NC’s legacy: right royal mess

Things To Do Immediately in the Economy: a look at the most battered sectors that the new govt will have to sort out if it has to put its money where its mouth is


Srinagar

FACED with nearly empty coffers — 42 per cent of the budgetary allocations are reportedly stashed away by the state government employees — the new government of Jammu and Kashmir will have its hands full in trying to stabilise an economy battered by over 13 years of violence and mismanagement.

According to economists, the priority of the new government should be to breathe back life into the agriculture sector, once the mainstay of the state’s economy. At present, J-K’s annual production of foodgrain is estimated at 13.5 lakh tonnes, below its actual requirement. To make up for the shortfall, it has to import six lakh tonnes of foodgrain at a cost of Rs 350 to Rs 400 crore annually. ‘‘The area of our cultivable land has been declining due to the wrong trend of building residential buildings and government and private complexes. This occurs despite a law which forbids such action. The new government’s first priority should be to enforce the economic laws governing these issues,’’ said Professor Nisar Ali, a noted economist from the Valley.

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Another problem area is the difference in import and export figures. While the state’s exports yield an annual income of Rs 700 crore, it spends Rs 8,000 crore in imports every year. The state’s primary markets — agriculture and allied sectors — contribute 42 per cent to its domestic product while the secondary market — industries — contributes just six per cent, down from 11 per cent in 1988. The state earns most of its income from the tertiary market that stands at 53 per cent. The revenue earned through taxes was around Rs 600 crore to Rs 700 crore last year while the non-tax revenue varied from Rs 1000 to 1100 crore. ‘‘The problem lies in having to spend the money on buying consumer goods from outside the state. The new set-up should focus on building the consumer goods industry within the state. That would not only generate employment but also reduce the capital outflow, thus sending our domestic product upwards,’’ pointed out Ali. Another sector which could be tapped for revenue generation is the state’s traditional industry. J-K’s economic heritage — the silk industry, carpets, wood-carving and shawl-making — has taken a beating over the last 13 years of violence. ‘‘We are losing our economic heritage due to the mismanagement over the years. This industry brought us not only revenue but fame and glory too. The new government would do well to focus on these areas,’’ said Nazir Ahmad Bhat, an exporter of Kashmiri carpets. The hydro-electricity projects, feel experts, should be another priority area. Although it has the potential to generate around 16,000 MW of hydro-electricity, the state only generates 800 MW. So, the state spends another Rs 730 crore in purchasing power.

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