The study of the caste riots in the southern districts of Tamil Nadu by a high-powered committee headed by former Supreme Court judge S. Mohan was a long-overdue exercise. The conflicts between the backward-class Thevars and the Dalits have been recurring with monstrous regularity and intensity, particularly over the last one decade, the latest instance being reported earlier this month from Ramanathapuram. The recommendations of the Mohan committee are indeed comprehensive but if the crux of the problem does not still figure among them, it is not the fault of the committee with its focus on fire-fighting aspects. One of the recommendations to catch the public eye, for example, is for the removal of the statues of community leaders, desecration of which has touched off many a case of mob violence, at least to “safer placesâ€. This may help for a while, but only till the riot-mongers find an alternative provocation of similar potential. Expectations from steps of this kind may prove as exaggerated as from thestripping of transport corporations of such leaders’ names, that has not put a stop to the clashes. The committee has looked at prevention and punishment of casteist violence from the law-and-order angle, and its suggestions on this score, such as the one for special courts, do merit urgent attention from the state government. The greater need, however, is to look beyond.There are two larger questions that must be faced and answered. First, how is it that caste conflicts of this character have become a major issue in a state that boasts of a politically successful movement of social reform? How does Tamil Nadu’s ‘Dravidian’ record tally with the violent disarray in the anti-upper-caste ranks and the vicious circle of riots and counter-riots? How come that untouchability remains an amazingly preserved practice after years of social-justice rhetoric, and storms brew still in teacups served to Dalits in village stalls? Is it not time for an agonising reappraisal by all concerned? For a recognition of theextent to which the ‘rationalist’ movement of social militancy reinforced casteism by refusing to set itself against the caste system as such? The committee does suggest a campaign to end untouchability and another to create an optimistic awareness among the Dalits. Official sponsorship, however, can considerably offset the impact of such campaigns. The state government’s scheme of samathuvapurams (abodes of equality), multi-caste colonies, can help to de-ghettoise the Dalits a bit, but cannot usher in peaceful coexistence of the warring castes so soon.Which brings up the second larger question. Inter-caste harmony may be a utopian dream so long as there are conflicts of interests. But, in a democracy, disputes cannot be sought to be settled through means including killings, arson, and even poisoning of wells. Have the political parties, the main players in our polity, tried seriously telling this truth to the castes that have raised their conflict nearly to the scale of a raging civil war? They have not.And, judging by their narrowly partisan performance at the all-party meeting where the recommendations were released, they are not learning in a hurry.
