
New Delhi8217;s fervent hopes that Iran8217;s proliferation will not complicate India8217;s efforts to finalise the nuclear deal with the United States have now been dashed. Tehran8217;s decision last week to renew activity at the Natanz uranium enrichment plant has triggered off a fresh international crisis. And the nature of New Delhi8217;s decision at the International Atomic Energy Board of Governors next month would undoubtedly have a direct impact on India8217;s own nuclear negotiations with the US and President George W. Bush8217;s visit to India in a few weeks.
The logic of India8217;s own national interest and Iran8217;s continuing nuclear defiance would suggest that New Delhi continue to vote with the global mainstream. India had voted last September in favour of the resolution that censured Iran and asked it to abide by its obligations under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. At the same time, India had also insisted that diplomacy be given time to resolve the issue at the IAEA rather than the United Nations Security Council, which could consider further measures against Iran. Tehran, however, has not used the intervening period to find a way out. Its rejection of a sensible Russian compromise which would have allowed it to have access to nuclear power reactors as well as atomic fuel, have left the international community with few options.
Although India, with a clean conscience, can support a decision this time at the IAEA to refer Iran to the UNSC, there are pressures on the Manmohan Singh to reverse its vote. The Communist parties8217; demand for a policy change is rooted in an ideological approach that has become irrelevant. A small section of the Congress party, too, has been having second thoughts. It has raised the bogey of losing political support among Shia Muslims. At a time when an irresponsible Iranian regime is rapidly isolating itself, it would be extremely perverse for India to sacrifice its national interest in the name of Congress Party8217;s vote bank politics.