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This is an archive article published on May 6, 2003

Let Ram chat with Rahim

When I met Prime Minister Zafarullah Khan Jamali early this year at Islamabad, he was not his own master. He had no hesitation in saying tha...

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When I met Prime Minister Zafarullah Khan Jamali early this year at Islamabad, he was not his own master. He had no hesitation in saying that President General Pervez Musharraf was his boss. He said it again a few days ago. Whether his boss asked him to ring up Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee or he did it on his own is not so relevant. It is obvious that the talks have the backing of the military, Pakistan’s third chamber. Jamali’s statement that the banned terrorist organisations would not be allowed to resume militancy is welcome. But Islamabad must wind up the headquarters of terrorist organisations operating in Kashmir and close the training camps in Pakistan. Only then will the atmosphere for talks be favourable. The summit, if and when it takes place, will understandably be between Vajapyee and Musharraf, who has the real power. If there are any hitches, some way must be found to sort them out. The opportunity should not be lost because it has come after a long period.

Apart from Jamali’s response to Vajpayee’s invitation, another significant thing has happened recently. It seems the Muslim countries have come to prefer the concept of nation-state to that of the ummah, the oneness of the Islamic brotherhood. The fallout from the Iraq war clearly shows this. The Iraqis are now demanding that America should restore their right to rule themselves. But Muslims in other countries have not taken to the streets in their support. They are afraid to annoy America.

The unipolar world, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, has now become more one-sided. This may not lead to the revival of imperialism. But already many fiercely independent countries have begun to watch every move made by Washington. With the passing of time, this situation will spur regional combinations at the expense of the UN which once made even a small country feel the master of its own destiny.

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The European Union (EU) on the European continent, the Arab League in the Middle East and ASEAN in South East Asia or such other arrangements, will come into play to protect their members or to articulate their points of view. I do not think that the world would go back to blocs, as happened during the Cold War. The reason is that there is no ideological clash here. Washington will never allow any anti-American formation to come up and challenge it.

The British Prime Minister’s warning against ‘‘rival centers of power’’ makes little sense. He is right when he says that it will divide the world. Still he, under the leadership of President Bush, ignored international opinion and went ahead with a most immoral and unethical war on Iraq.

No unity of any importance or relevance has emerged in South Asia. It is a pity. SAARC, an admirable concept, has been broken on the rack of Indo-Pak hostility. India, the largest country in the region, could have dealt with its neighbours more patiently and generously.

And, at one time, it looked as if New Delhi had found a formula, the Gujral doctrine — going more than halfway to accommodate neighbours in order to remove their mistrust. But the BJP-led government has destroyed most of the formula. Electoral politics has had the better of the government. An anti-Muslim stance to garner the vote of Hindus seems to be at the back of its tough stand towards Islamabad and Dhaka. This has only deepened the mistrust of the neighbours.

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The Iraq war should have been a wake-up call for India — to shake off its lethargy which has made our foreign policy moribund. After having failed to raise the issue of morality during the Iraq war, New Delhi should have taken the initiative after the hostilities to make the countries of the region — from Afghanistan to Myanmar — realise the necessity of acting in concert to uphold their regional identity and independence.

Pakistan may be suspicious of India’s moves. But it is possible to have a meeting ground in some fields. Jamali’s suggestion of resuming sporting ties should be welcomed. I found last week during my trip to Dhaka that even Bangladesh is getting alienated from us. New Delhi has to be careful not to mix bilateral issues of irritation with the needs of regional combination. The purpose should be how to resist the pressure of the Anglo-American axis which may want the region to conform to certain pet ideas it has nourished. Now we either hang together or be hanged separately.

Regional cooperation does not come about by mere wishful thinking. It must be a matter of give and take. India will need to go far to accommodate suspicious or recalcitrant neighbours. New Delhi can demand that Islamabad must stop cross-border terrorism. But it cannot slam the door on the nationals of the neighbouring countries or cut off all modes of communication. The Bangladeshis, too, feel that they are suspect in the eyes of Indians. No regional co-operation, much less an organisation, can be built on the feeling that we Indians are always right.

Last week the meeting of the SAHR (South Asian Human Rights), a voluntary organisation of activists in the region, was shifted from New Delhi to Dhaka because of India’s cussedness. Two of the participants, Asma Jehangir and I.A. Rehman, leading human rights activists, did not get their Indian visas. The bigoted are always up in arms against them for their unrelenting faith in rapprochement between India and Pakistan.

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Since Deputy Prime Minister L.K. Advani is the final authority to give a visa, and not the ministry of external affairs, both Jehangir and Rehman do not qualify, although Prime Minister Vajapayee talks about people-to-people contact. For Advani, a thing is either black or white. There is no room for grey. Pakistanis are Pakistanis and therefore they must be kept out, whatever their credentials. He is beginning to apply the same yardstick to Bangladesh. The home ministry’s permission has to taken even before a seminar with foreign participation is held.

Closing the door to the people from the neighbouring countries will kill whatever ideas of regional identity are now germinating. A combination can have no meaning if India suspects its neighbours and vice-versa. After the fate of Iraq, all countries in the region should realise that America has its own agenda in South Asia. By joining hands, they may be able to stall its game of playing off one against the other.

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