Inspired by Maya, RPI to try hand at social engineering

The attempt of the RPI, known as a party of neo-Buddhists, most of whom are erstwhile Mahars, to expand outside its traditional base was evident when Athavale and other RPI leaders participated in a massive rally at Mumbai’s Mahalaxmi Race Course. The rally, held on May 27, saw around one lakh nomadic tribes and Dalits converting to Buddhism.

Despite being the cradle of the anti-caste movement in India, Maharashtra’s Dalit movement, which has a tradition dating back to reformers like Mahatma Jyotiba Phule, Gopal Ganesh Agarkar and Ambedkar, has been splintered and caste ridden. The RPI has split into several factions since its inception in 1957, and so has the militant Dalit Panther.

The association of the RPI with neo-Buddhists has also led other caste groups like the Matangs and Charmakars to support other parties.

RPI faction leaders like Athavale, Bihar Governor R S Gavai and Jogendra Kawade have been associated with either the Maratha-dominated NCP or the Congress. Dalit Panther leader Namdeo Dhasal has thrown in his lot with the Shiv Sena. The real caste struggle in the rural areas has transformed itself into a struggle between Dalits and upwardly mobile OBCs and Dalits versus Marathas.

Prakash Ambedkar, grandson of B R Ambedkar, who leads the Bharatiya Republican Paksha-Bahujan Mahasangh, says that issued based politics is the only way out. Ambedkar, who successfully tried out the social engineering model at Akola in Vidharbha, adds that the BSP’s social engineering in Maharashtra was not possible unless dominant castes like the Marathas and the OBCs joined hands with them.

However, RPI leaders like Avinash Mahatekar feel that despite this, social alliance with Marathas has helped destroy caste divisions for political purposes. Mahatekar attributes the BSP’s victory to factors like a weak Congress and BJP and anti-incumbency against the Mulayam Singh Yadav Government and not to social engineering alone.

While it is believed that Brahmins and Dalits sided with Mayawati in UP, these communities number an estimated 4 per cent and 14 per cent respectively in Maharashtra. The success of the proposed social engineering in Maharashtra depends on how Dalit leaders balance these ironies.

Apart from transforming into a movement that seeks annihilation of caste, the movement also needs to adapt itself to ensure that Dalits reap opportunities of globalisation.