In the land of bhumiputra, division

Earlier this year, Professor Khoo Kay Kim, a prominent Malaysian historian, noted that the state of inter-ethnic ties in Malaysia was at its worst since 1957.

Earlier this year, Professor Khoo Kay Kim, a prominent Malaysian historian, noted that the state of inter-ethnic ties in Malaysia was at its worst since 1957. This was due mainly to what he deemed as the worsening transgression of the rights of minorities over the years. The demonstration held by the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf), an NGO formed to protect the rights of Hindus in Malaysia, is a reflection of the community’s frustrations.

Malaysia’s ‘bumiputra’ policy —aimed at rectifying the economic disparity between Malays and other communities, has led to the economic marginalisation of those of Indian origin. The recent Ninth Malaysian Plan report highlighted that Indians control only 1.2 per cent of corporate wealth — a decline from the earlier 1.5 per cent. More recently, lower income Indians have begun moving away from traditional jobs like rubber tapping to urban areas in search of jobs. This in part is because many rubber and oil palm plantations around the big cities are being used for commercial and residential purposes. The educational level of this community, coupled with bumiputra policies, has led many within it to indulge in illegal activities to earn a living. The phenomenon of the Indian urban poor is reflected in the fact that as many as 21.7 per cent of Indians in Selangor, a largely urban state, are squatters.

Another issue that has incensed Malaysia’s Hindu community is the curbing of its religious rights. The introduction of Islam Hadhari as a guiding principle of the state has led government officials to utilise it to further Islamise Malaysian society and curb the rights of non-Muslims. This trend began with the case of a former commando, M. Moorthy, whom a state religious authority had converted to Islam before he died in 2005. He was given a Muslim burial despite his wife’s objections. This was followed by several cases of Muslim women married to Hindu men being separated from their husbands against their will. There have also been cases of the authorities demolishing Hindu temples built illegally on government land.

The lack of sensitivity that the Malaysian authorities have displayed in dealing with such issues has only fuelled the alienation. A prominent religious scholar linked to the Malaysian government that this writer spoke to at the height of the Moorthy case, reflected this attitude when he observed that the court verdict on the issue was a fair one, since the rights of Muslims should supersede the rights of others. It is indeed ironic that the Islam Hadhari model proposed by Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi’s government, supposedly as a new model of development for the Muslim world based on moderate Islam has led to the curbing of non-Muslim rights in Malaysia. The Hindu community, which is viewed as a weaker minority group to the richer ethnic Chinese, has been the worst affected.

Another factor that led to the demonstrations is the Indian leadership in Malaysia. The leader of the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), the party representing the Indian community, Datuk Seri Samy Vellu, does not seem bothered by the developments, dismissing the organisers of the Hindraf demonstration as tools of the Malaysian opposition. However, the problem seems to be with the leadership of Samy Vellu himself. Despite being at the helm for 29 years — he’s the only Indian in the cabinet — he has done little for the community and appears powerless to push the government to redress the alleged abuse of the community’s rights.

The main question for many analysts is how significantly the demonstration will affect the results of the next general election, expected to be held early next year. The question assumes importance precisely because the latest demonstration happened soon after an agitation by Bersih, a coalition of political parties and NGOs, calling for free and fair elections. The Badawi government doesn’t appear too bothered by the Hindraf agitation. Instead of addressing the issues raised by it, Badawi threatened to deploy the Internal Security Act to deal with future demonstrations. This is surprising given that in the 2004 elections, the Indian community was one of its strong supporters, with candidates from the MIC securing an average of 62 per cent of the votes in the seats they contested. Indian support for the Barisan was also crucial in ensuring its victory in the Ijok by-election this year.

A closer analysis of Malaysian politics may explain this nonchalance. The Ijok by-election was held just after the demolition of several temples built illegally on state land. In spite of this, the Indian community gave full support to the Barisan candidate. The big question facing the Indian community in Malaysia is this: can it translate its frustrations against the government into votes for the opposition in the next elections?

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The writer is an associate research fellow with S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore

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