On the surface, time stands still in Bihar. Small towns like Motihari,Bettiah, Sitamarhi look as they did 20 years ago. Even Patna remainsunchanged, with its rubbish dumps, paan-stained walls and choked drains. Yet, there is a shift discernible in this election campaign _ and electioncampaigns are often barometers of ground-level ferment. Caste remains anunderlying theme, but bread and butter issues are increasingly preoccupyingpeople, particularly the young. They want action against rampantjoblessness, closed factories, potholed roads, dogs lying alongside humanbeings in hospitals and the growing presence of the mafia. At one meeting, when L.K. Advani was speaking about the advent of thecomputer age and Internet, a young policeman guarding the Home minister'schopper, quipped that the thana where he was employed did not even havea telephone. There was a wireless set which worked intermittently. Anyonecoming to complain about a murder or a rape had to walk several kilometers. Advani provoked the maximum applause when he talked about giving a newdirection to Bihar, and not just a new government or a different chiefminister. Moving through the crowds, at meeting after meeting in West Champaran, Iasked groups who they wanted as chief minister. Surprisingly most seemed toopt for Ram Vilas Paswan. Yet, in a group of 20, there was only one Dalit,the rest were Bhumihars, Banias, Rajputs, and a couple of Muslims. Paswan'sappeal cut caste and community lines because people felt that he would workfor them. Paswan had ensured that a broad gauge railway line fromMuzzaffarpur to Sitamarhi, connected that region with Delhi. He had givenyouth in Hajipur jobs in the railways. And now telephones were beginning tocome in. Delhi's view of Paswan as an irresponsible minister who had upsetthe fiscal balance by his populism is far removed from that of the youth ofBihar. Aspirations are growing in Bihar but possibly not to the extent that theyhave soared in other parts of the country. It was interesting that not asingle young man or woman this writer came across talked about becoming acomputer scientist. They wanted to be soldiers, cricketers, doctors,policemen _ and one, even the President of India! The infotech revolutionhas clearly not touched the shores of Bihar. The difference between a Laloo Yadav and, say, a Chandrababu Naidu orS.M.Krishna, or Sharad Pawar, lies in the mindset of the ruler and theruled. The southern states are beginning to look ahead to the new politicsthat the computer revolution, with its potential to create mind-bogglingwealth, could spawn. Today Pawar's constituents in Baramati clamour for an infotech institute,an Internet connection in each village so that they can have all theinformation they need for improving or marketing their products, whether itis milk or export-quality grapes or sugarcane. In Bihar, National CongressParty supporters and workers may instead ask for bullets to capture booths! Social movements in the south which took place over the last fifty yearshad strong developmental strategies built into them. Pawar is a by-productof the anti-brahminical movement in Maharashtra which led to the sugarcooperative movement. Bihar has not had social movements of that kind, whichcould have given it a regional identity. The dominant identity the peopleknow is that of caste. Nor did Bihar's leadership pursue a developmental agenda, if statistics areanything to go by. Bihar was ranked fourth or fifth in 1947 on the nationalscale, but in 1961 it had dived to the second last position and since 1971it has been relegated to last rung of the national ladder. And yet consciousness is growing and it is not without significance thatbetween 1991-97, the rate of literacy in Bihar was more than the all-Indiaaverage. Half the state is literate today. Paradoxically, for all the strong-arm methods used by him, Laloo Yadav'sten-year reign led to greater democratisation in so far as he ensured theelectoral empowerment of Dalits and smaller backward castes, popularly knownas "Annexure I" communities. Till 1995, they had found it very difficult tocome out and vote. They add up to a whopping 33 percent of the state'spopulation, even though they might not all vote for the RJD this time. But Laloo's tenure has also seen a virtual collapse of the state evenbefore it had time to make way for market forces, as is happening elsewherein the country. Laloo Yadav's skilful social engineering has consolidatedbackward communities, but they are no longer satisfied with mere electoralempowerment. Thanks to television, Biharis are naturally wondering why things continueto be so bad, despite the state being well-endowed with water, minerals andhuman wealth. The Bihari labour from the rural areas goes out to work inPunjab or in Delhi and sees the changes taking place elsewhere. Election 2000 has sounded a warning. Pataliputra's next incumbent will haveto take note of it.Blurb:Thanks to TV, Biharis are now wondering why things continue to be so bad,despite the state being so well-endowed
