skip to content
Advertisement
Premium
This is an archive article published on April 4, 2004

Does it matter where they pray?

DREAM MERCHANT Shah Rukh Khan, actor ...

.
DREAM MERCHANT
Shah Rukh Khan, actor

THERE is a fast ball, which is a whirlwind. A whirlwind, delivered at a speed of over 90 kmph. It is a slowly gathering yet immensely powerful whirlwind, sweeping up thousands of new energies into a magnificent forward movement. In remote towers, geriatrics fume and fret. Demagogues whip up ancient hatreds and spur on their ignorant armies to kill and rape. Petty manifestoes screech “enemies”, “anti-nationals”, “traitors”. But the whirlwind can no longer be stopped, it comes ever on, it bounds over the spindly wickets of prejudice and soars upwards to the sky.

To the sky where a certain tricolour flutters. A tricolour that, 50 years ago, committed itself to the poorest voter and to the most destitute child and promised them the arrival of this whirlwind. Behold the icons of a new India: Irfan Pathan, Zaheer Khan, Mohammad Kaif, Shah Rukh Khan, Aamir Khan, Tabu, Azeem Premji, A.R. Rahman.

Story continues below this ad

Where does the whirlwind come from? The answer is simple. It comes from the dreams of 1947, from a dream of democratisation. When the idealists of the past century gave themselves a republican constitution, when the poorest woman in the land was given a vote, when the rights of the citizen were placed at the centre of this country’s ideals, India was set firmly on a course very different from its neighbours.

The founding fathers may have been Oxbridge-educated but they wrote their own death warrants by laying down a plan in which old elites would be ‘‘exterminated from below’’. The figures speak: journalists and writers made up 10.4 per cent of the first Lok Sabha, but by the 10th Lok Sabha, their numbers had dwindled to 2.17 per cent. Lawyers made up 35.6 per cent of the first Lok Sabha, by the 10th, their numbers had fallen to 16.4 per cent. In contrast, farmers made up 22.5 per cent of the first Lok Sabha, by the 11th, they were up to 52 per cent.

“Today in all spheres of life in India, there is a broadbasing in progress,’’ says economist Bibek Debroy. ‘‘The phenomenon of a Najafgarh boy becoming a star is the same as the rise of a lad from the alleys of Vadodara. The Muslim community is among the most deprived communities of India. But as the centre of gravity shifts away from urban elites, more deprived communities, like Muslims, like tribals, will enter the mainstream.’’

The days of protection are gone. Those old days where India hid behind high tariff walls, its industry protected by licenses, its institutions secluded by privilege, those walls are gradually crumbling under the probing fingers of talent and innovation.

Story continues below this ad

‘‘Market-led democratisation,’’ says economist Surjit Bhalla, ‘‘always destroys prejudice. Discrimination is simply bad economics. Not that you won’t have communal riots in a market democracy, but you are less likely to, simply because paying somebody a higher wage because he happens to be of the right religion doesn’t make economic sense. You only have to look at the BJP’s Vision Document to find that Hindutva has been defeated by the market and by globalisation.’’

As far back as 1957, economist Gary S. Becker wrote his famous work The Economics of Discrimination, in which he illustrated that in a competitive economy, if you discriminate on the basis of colour, race or religion, you actually have to pay a heavy price. Becker received the Nobel Prize in 1992 for his discovery.

INDIA’S NEW PIN-UP
Irfan Pathan, cricketer

YET there remain crucial spaces where the whirlwind is stalled. Sure, in the entertainment industry, in sport, Bollywood, or television, even in enterprise, where talent is the prime need, religious identity is irrelevant. In fact, four areas of Indian life strike out as almost completely free of caste and religion: Bollywood, sport, the stock market and organised crime.

Yet there are other areas, where the Muslim presence is often determinedly stamped out. Says historian Shahid Amin, ‘‘Today any historian, who may be critically examining the past is open to the charge of being a ‘leftist’ or a ‘communist’, if his history doesn’t match Pravin Togadia’s or Balbir Punj’s.’’

Story continues below this ad

Amin says the celebration of Pathan and Zaheer conforms to the tendency to celebrate the so called ‘‘good Muslims’’ who are praised when they ‘‘perform for India’’. The implication seems to be: get into cricket and Bollywood, but don’t try to write history or join the civil service or the army because there your loyalty is always suspect. If Sehwag has the political freedom to campaign for Sahib Singh Verma, does Irfan Pathan have the same freedom to criticise Narendra Modi?

Or as J.S. Bandukwala wrote in a moving article, does the same Irfan Pathan, who may have been killed during the Gujarat riots, have to allow himself to be graciously welcomed by Modi when he returns to his home state of Gujarat? Does he have to become the Muslim token designed to decorate Hindutva’s triumphal car?

‘‘It hurts me,’’ says Syeda Hamid, ‘‘when you say ‘shabaash young Muslims’. I am as proud of Hrithik Roshan as I am of Pathan. I am as much a fan of Sehwag as I am of Zaheer. Why can I, as a Muslim, not celebrate the success of all our sons and daughters?’’

Hamid says she considers herself part of the ‘‘beautiful eclecticism’’ of India where sufi qalandar and Brahmin pandit coexisted unfussily for 800 years in cities like Panipat. A quiet folk eclecticism where Islam resides in the jasmine flowers in a Tamil woman’s hair or in the songs of the qawals who sing of the birth of Krishna. The longterm vision of our common civilisation is being lost.

Story continues below this ad

In fact Congress leader Salman Khurshid says the government remains deeply illiberal on the Muslim question and its attempts to use Pathan and Zaheer as Muslim tokens is simply an attempt to secure a ‘‘tactical advantage’’. ‘‘This cricket emotionalism is just an event-oriented exercise, a tactical approach, there is no deeper philosophy of liberalism.’’

WOMAN OF SUBSTANCE
Tabu, Actor

YET economist Omkar Goswami believes that with the rise of the irrevocable processes of market and democratisation, a range of new groups will begin to play a role in the mainstream, whether these groups are Muslims, depressed castes, youth or women.

‘‘A huge number of young people are increasingly voting, more women are voting. Our civil society is constantly renewed.’’

Former MP Syed Shahabuddin is less optimistic. ‘‘The BJP is ready to use Zaheer and Pathan to win the forthcoming elections, yet in Gujarat, the Best Bakery accused are still not brought to justice, Muslims are being systematically socially and economically marginalised.

Story continues below this ad

The real objective of the BJP is not to win the Muslim vote, but to win the secular Hindu vote, by proving that they are oh-so-secular.’’

Yet the covenant of 1947 will hold. Our neighbours may sink into militarist feudal ways, but our covenant will be buoyed up by mass aspiration beating down the doors of old privilege.

Sheer skill will cut through the cobwebs of hatred, painful, slow but sure. Forty years ago, Dilip Kumar and Meena Kumari had to change their names. Today, Shah Rukh Khan and Tabu don’t have to. This is the age of the whirlwind.

 

 
 
 

 
 
 

 

Latest Comment
Post Comment
Read Comments
Advertisement
Advertisement
Advertisement
Advertisement