The party hasn’t begun as yet, but there’s a sense of anticipation building up. The backroom boys are in no hurry. After ensuring the 37-5 vote in the House International Relations Committee and the 16-2 near-sweep in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee for the Indo-US civilian nuclear agreement, they would rather savour the moment.
Even the strongest opponents of the deal have now conceded their defeat. Says David Campbill of the Arms Control Association, which led the lobbying efforts against the deal: ‘‘Once something has been passed with such strong support by two key House and Senate committees, it would be very tough to get the bill defeated at the floor (in July).’’
While a multi-pronged plan and key strategic planning by South Block played a major role in pushing the deal so far, the behind-the-scenes lobbying by different stake-holders—including the large Indian American community, US corporates, the White House and the State Department—was no less crucial.
‘‘This is just the first phase. We have a long way to go. But the most positive aspect is that all this effort has created a very positive atmosphere in favor of India and the nuke deal,’’ Swadesh Chatterjee told The Sunday Express.
Home front
CHATTERJEE, awarded the Padma Bhushan in 2001 for breaking the ice between the two countries after India’s nuclear explosion, has emerged as the key Indian American figure in the aggressive lobbying efforts by the large community here.
At a time when some of the better-known faces of the Indian American community took a backseat, Chatterjee worked tirelessly for three months to create an atmosphere favourable to the nuke deal.
The core team of some two dozen Indian Americans—achievers in their own right all, like former McKinsey MD Rajat Gupta and venture capitalist Kamil Hasan—formed a strategy to win over Congressmen, one by one. The campaign elements ranged from one-to-one meetings and public receptions to occasional assertions that it was time for Congressmen to give back to the Indian American community.
‘‘This is for the first time that we asked for anything. The Congressmen realised the potential. We told them that we are watching,’’ says Chatterjee.
Coming together as a single Indian American community for the first time, they launched a nationwide ‘Washington Chalo’ campaign, which had busloads of community leaders coming to Capitol Hill to meet one Congressman or the other. On its own initiative, the group raised some half a million dollars for its campaign and published full-page advertisements in The Washington Post.
Faces in the crowd
THOUGH some of the popular ‘faces’ of the community—even those considered politically active—kept distance from the issue, a large number of individual and isolated efforts were noticed all over the country.
For example, hotelier Sant Chatwal, who never hesitates to flaunt his closeness with former US President Bill Clinton, held a reception at Capitol Hill; some three dozen Congressmen attended. In California, Krishna Reddy played a similar role while the Washington-based US-India Political Action Committee organised one-to-one meetings.
The official ‘‘sanction’’ to the intensive lobbying came from the large number of Manmohan lieutenants who visited the US over the past three months: All of them—Kapil Sibal, Kamal Nath, Sharad Pawar, Murli Deora, Ashwani Kumar, and even some senior bureaucrats—met the key Congressmen one by one. Some of these meetings evolved into three-to-ones, as ministers lined up to clarify Congressmen’s doubts.
Firm support
THE crucial role of three lobbying firms—Barbour Griffith & Rogers International, Venable and Patton Boggs—can’t be written off either. Working vigorously and in coordination with each other, they aimed at creating a positive atmosphere for India.
While the third firm acted on behalf of the US corporate sector, the first two were retained by the Indian government Selecting Barbour Griffith & Rogers International was easy: On its team was former US Ambassador to India Robert D Blackwill, who initiated the process of the strategic alliance between the two countries. He is believed to have played a critical role in improving India’s position in the Capitol.
Described as a premier strategic consulting and government firm, Barbour Griffith & Rogers International specialises in lobbying and communication strategies for various countries and businesses seeking assistance with complex American political and business-decision making processes, in planning political and media campaigns including public relations, and in analysing the effects of major foreign policy trends.
One of the top 100 law firms in the US and headed by the former US attorney general Benjamin R Civiletti, Venable LLP is believed to have helped India deal with the legal language of legislative procedures. The firm comprises some of the top US attorneys, who are said to wield enormous influence in the corridors of power in Washington DC.
Big business
HOWEVER, the most significant of those aggressively promoting India’s interests is the third lobbying firm, Patton Boggs. It is widely regarded as the world’s leading full service law firm and has been consistently ranked as the number one lobbying firm by the leading Washington publications National Journal, Roll Call and The Hill.
Patton Boggs has been hired by the US corporate sector—including General Electric, Boeing, Lockheed Martin—which is keen to strengthen their trade and business in India. For them, the success of the nuclear deal is the first key step towards blossoming of the business relationship between the two countries.
Hired by the US-India Business Council, Patton Boggs’ message to Capitol Hill was clear: ‘‘Civilian nuclear co-operation will prove a win for strategic relations, a win for non-proliferation.’’
In a country where the corporate sector rules and determines the policy initiatives of the US government, Patton Boggs’ weight behind the nuclear deal may well have swung the vote. As a political observer pointed out: ‘‘The lawmakers did not have any option once the Indian American community, which always leads in donation of funds, and the corporate sector backed the deal.’’
The fencesitters fell in and the rest was history.