IT was in search of peace that Prime Minister Vajpayee travelled to Lahore, unilaterally ordered the month-long Ramazan ceasefire, invited General Musharraf to the Agra Summit. The summit flopped because of Musharraf’s excessive zeal. Thus none of our attempts in pursuit of peace and dialogue were of any avail.
Militancy has not stopped, cross-border terrorism continues even today. After the attack on Parliament House we could only express our frustration and fury by mobilising forces along the Indo-Pakistan border. The West assisted in making Pakistan see reason. Apprehending a nuclear conflagration, the West pressured both the neighbours by large-scale withdrawal of their citizens. All this elicited Musharraf’s various promises to cease cross-border infiltration and terrorism. While we recognise Musharraf’s difficulties in dealing simultaneously with the Al-Qaeda and Taliban elements that have been seeping into Pakistan, he has remained somewhat ambiguous about removing the Jehadi training camps.
Even as the West continues to suggest that Musharraf and Vajpayee meet face to face and settle the Kashmir dispute, Pakistan’s cross-border activities have again started multiplying. Jehadi training camps across the LoC persist. Public opinion in India is unlikely to allow the Government to agree to commence bilateral talks, until Pakistan ceases export of terrorism into India.
India does not have much faith in the General’s pledge. To be fair to him, Pakistani rulers who preceded him, too, seem to have believed that force and deception must govern their relations with India. India has always recognised Kashmir as a bilateral dispute between the two countries. We are committed to settling it with all other disputes: bilaterally, peacefully and through a dialogue.
For this to happen, however, we believe that an atmosphere of mutual faith and trust, and a certain minimum amity must exist between the two countries. As the Agra Summit proved, an attempt to settle differences without building an atmosphere and ambience conducive for fruitful talks can never be expected to work.
Meanwhile, Musharraf has been busy amending the country’s Constitution, arming himself with constitutional authority for excluding Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto and their parties from contesting the October elections. October is also the time when the Indian Constitution requires elections to be scheduled for Jammu & Kashmir.
The following factors are likely to determine the future:
l The ability of Musharraf to demonstrate even-handed integrity in dealing with the Al Qaeda-Taliban terrorism on Pakistani soil and the ISI-exported terrorism into J&K
l The outcome of the two elections
l The General’s ability to impose his will on the people of Pakistan, to make his country effectively liberal, modern, and democratic and avoid Jehad
l His capacity to seek genuine friendship with India.
A working relationship will require cooperation in all areas, including building people-to-people contacts, reduction in defence expenditure in both countries and a general atmosphere of give-and-take, especially while dealing with J&K.
This will require a serious and sincere pursuit of friendship and togetherness, abandoning hatred and mutual suspicion. The huge mega question is: Are we ready for this?
(The writer is a former foreign secretary and India’s ambassador to Pakistan)