Vajpayee government must apply its mind to the status of Udham Singh Nagar before matters get out of hand. The Centre and its map-makers have evidently been caught unawares by the demand from resident Sikh farmers that the district be left out of the new state of Uttaranchal and be retained within the borders of Uttar Pradesh. But while the government wakes slowly to the problem, the farmers have lost no time lobbying for support. It was probably instinct rather than sound practical sense that made them turn to the Akalis in Punjab. In the context of the ramifications, Prakash Singh Badal has been quite unwise to publicly back the Udham Singh Nagaris and raise the issue with the Prime Minister at their last meeting. As the momentum develops, it is becoming apparent that the BJP has done no homework on demarcating the territory of the new state. Statehood for the Kumaon and Garhwal hill districts of UP has been a long-standing BJP promise. But there is more to completing the job than passing resolutions inthe UP Assembly and legislation in Parliament. The devil is in the details and it does not look as though changing conditions on the ground have been studied and taken into account.Udham Singh Nagar, a narrow strip running east to west, lies between UP and what will become Uttaranchal. It was carved out of Nainital district by former chief minister Mayawati during her remapping of UP as a concession to the Sikh farmers whose political and economic clout has grown over the last decade or so. Having made an enormous success of their farms and rice mills, these enterprising settlers are worried about the policies of a future government of Uttaranchal. Their fears of land ceiling legislation or other forms of appropriation of their land are not far-fetched. Average land holding in the hill districts is miniscule compared to holdings in Udham Singh Nagar. The motive force behind the popular movement for Uttaranchal statehood is resentment, usually well justified, against economic agents from the plains whoseactivities have contributed little to the local economy. The leaders of the movement argue that Lucknow looked the other way while their forests were denuded and local people were progressively displaced from the land. Once in power these leaders are likely to bow to popular sentiment and try and make reparation one way or the other for years of neglect by Lucknow and what they perceive as the exploitation of local resources.With some anticipation of the underlying conflicts, it may have been possible to find a solution which met the interests of all sides. Even now it may not be too late if the Centre gives it serious attention. For a start, Badal should be told that, coalition partner or not, he has no locus standi in the matter. Akali involvement is the kind of complication the problem can do without. Second, since the crux is a dispute between equity and enterprise, the government must decide which has the weightier claim in the present situation, spell out the principles and prepare the mechanism forcarrying out its decision with the minimum of trouble.
