
It was vintage Vajpayee at the BJP ’s 25th jubilee celebration in Mumbai. By dramatically announcing his resignation from power politics he managed to yet again steal the limelight from his long suffering comrade-in-arms, L.K. Advani, who had expected to be the focus of attention at a point when he — grudgingly — was stepping down as party president.
Vajpayee’s allusions from the Ramayan, comparing Advani and Pramod Mahajan to Ram and Laxman, threw his party into a turmoil. What exactly did Vajpayee he mean when he made his comment? For decades, the RSS had referred to the Vajpayee-Advani duo as the Ram-Laxman jodi. So was he now mocking the idea of a new power structure emerging, with his Laxman finally getting to play the lead role? Or was it a memory lapse? After all, it is Venkaiah Naidu, not Mahajan, who is Advani’s Man Friday. Some in the BJP would like to interpret it this way. Or was Vajpayee, as most believe, suggesting that his vision of the party’s hierarchy did not quite square with that of RSS chief Sudershan’s game plan, which conceives a generational shift in the BJP’s power structure, with Rajnath Singh as president. He seemed mischievously to hint that despite Singh’s anointment as party president, the real reins of the party would continue to be held by Advani, with Mahajan playing his major domo.
True to character, Vajpayee left no room for a post-mortem of his Ram-Laxman remark. He cancelled his valedictory speech at the concluding ceremony, claiming indisposition. Vajpayee’s style of combat has never been to rush brashly into the line of fire. He makes known his views with finesse, subtly avoiding head-on collisions, confrontations and debates. His open-ended one-liners can be interpreted in different ways. For instance, earlier this year, when Sudershan was highly critical of Vajpayee’s track record as PM, Vajpayee did not respond directly. Instead, while delivering a speech, he remarked pointedly that he had been a swayamsewak all his life and was proud of being one. This was interpreted as a reminder to Sudershan that Vajpayee had been a swayamsewak long before the RSS chief, his junior by many years. Similarly when Sudershan in an interview lashed out at the older generation of the BJP leadership for clinging to power, Vajpayee — while commending Sudershan’s sentiment — suggested to journalists they speak to those on whom the cap fitted since he actually held no party post (did he mean Advani or Sudershan, or both?). With a single sentence Vajpayee diffused an elaborate conspiracy to make him step down as PM at the end of 2003 on the grounds of poor health, and install Advani in his place. He remarked sarcastically that he was neither tired nor as yet retired.
His party colleagues know well that Vajpayee’s throwaway remarks should not be taken lightly. He may appear laid back, but the Kanyakuj Brahmin knows how to guard his territory. He understands, instinctively, when to push ahead and when to retreat gracefully. His sense of timing is unerring. His critics might accuse him of lacking the courage of his convictions and making a fine art of flip-flopping, but they overlook the fact that Vajpayee has managed more often than not to get his way over the RSS and his opponents within his party. Govindacharya’s assessment of Vajpayee as as a ‘mukhota’ of the party has been often picked up by critics to make the point that the BJP simply utilises its star orator as a show boy to attract votes.
But it is a moot point as to who used whom. Vajpayee’s government chartered a course in both foreign and economic policy which was very often at variance with the Sangh philosophy. A common civil code, the building of the Ram temple, the abrogation of Article 370 and a swadeshi economic policy are long standing mantras of the BJP agenda. But during his six years as prime minister, Vajpayee focused instead on the issues he held dear. Mending fences with Pakistan, encouraging disinvestments in the public sector and opening up the economy further for foreign investment. He insisted on retaining Brajesh Mishra, despite the RSS’s hostility towards him. The inability to replace Narendra Modi as Gujarat chief minister and the decision to advance the Lok Sabha elections were some of the rare instances when he had yielded to the wishes of party hardliners against his own instincts.
Incidentally, this is not the first time that Vajpayee has talked of retirement. In 1992, when his one-time deputy, Advani, was riding high on the Ayodhya wave, Vajpayee — who had privately disapproved of the ‘demolish Babri Masjid’ campaign — kept in the background. It was presumed then that his retirement was on the cards. After his shock defeat in May 2005, Vajpayee once again retreated in a sulk. Since the next parliamentary election is not due till 2009 — by which time he would be nearing 85 — there is a distinct possibility that he will not, indeed, contest another election. But, at the same time, the consummate politician is unlikely to takes sanyas from politics. He will continue to loom large over the party.




