Strangers in their Own Home

But Marandi is only too aware of the fact that none of his critics have quit — or even threatened to quit — his government. ‘‘These people should forget their own vested interests. In the interest of the millions of poor people who live in the districts and villages, they should be judicious. If they are not given preference in appointment to Class III and Class IV jobs, it would be against the principle of social justice,’’ says Marandi.

The domicile issue was born almost simultaneously with the state. Minutes after Marandi took office, hundreds of supporters of Jharkhand Mukti Morcha chief Shibu Soren began demanding that Soren — leader of just 12 MLAs — be appointed the CM instead. Marandi responded by encouraging the establishment of the Jharkhand Janadhikar Manch (JJM) and the Adivasi Chhatra Sangh (ACS), who hit the roads demanding 60 per cent reservation for tribals, though they comprise just 27.78 per cent of the state’s population. Soon afterwards, the Jharkhand Vikas Party, led by Ramdayal Munda, came up with the demand for jobs and contracts to people whose ancestors figured in the 1932 records.

Soren supported Munda’s demand on July 26, 2001. Soon afterwards, the state cabinet took two controversial decisions, providing 73 per cent reservation and adopting a domicile-preference policy based on the 1932 land records. It was a master-stroke for Marandi; the BJP base, so far, had been largely confined to non-tribals. All Jharkhandis welcomed the move, even as two residents filed PILs, describing the decisions as ‘‘unconstitutional’’.

Before the court could respond, the state police issued advertisements on July 3 this year, inviting applications for posts of constables. All applicants had to attach domicile certificates. In the meantime, though, no effort was made to check whether the records were intact, or whether the certificates could be issued.

The fallout was perhaps inevitable. Scores of people who failed to get the certificates ransacked the offices of the COs in Bokaro and Dhanbad on July 7. Bachcha Singh, brother of ex-coal mafialord Surya Deo Singh, backed them, but just hours later, ACS supporters stoned his official residence.

Two bodies — the Jharkhand Yuva Sangharsh Samiti and the Upekshit Manch — allegedly financed by Bachcha Singh came up to demand withdrawal of the policy and call a bandh on July 18.

Even as the BJP and the Congress were handling a divide in their ranks, 58 organisations called Jharkhand bandhs on July 20 and 24, when largescale violence claimed six lives. On these crucial days, Chief Secretary V S Dubey was on leave, while Marandi was in Delhi; he returned only after the death of six youths.

As each incident of violence convulsed the state — and telegraphed to the Jharkhandis that Marandi was with them — the CM became more entrenched in power. No matter the umpteen unfulfilled promises, he is the best bet for the BJP right now.