Rubin came to the State Department with the reputation of being an Albright prot

State Department regulars, including several seasoned beat reporters,gave Rubin a friendly roasting as they bid him goodbye — and in somecases good riddance.

Correspondents presented him a small yo-yo as a parting gift, saying“It is emblematic of your spinning ability,” and pointing out that,of course, it is made in China.

White House spokesman Joe Lockhart dropped by at the briefing andraised a big laugh by presenting a gift from President Clinton — abag of big carrots.

The reference was to the most painful moment in Rubin’s three-yearstint when he nearly lost his job after describing a humanitarian USproposal for relaxation of sanctions against Iraq as a “small carrot”for Saddam Hussein. The flub angered the White House, and both Clinton and National Security Advisor Sandy Berger wanted him fired.

It required all the tact and protection of his boss Madeleine Albright to save his job.

In fact, Rubin came to the State Department with the reputation ofbeing an Albright protege, confidante, crony, mouthpiece (thedescription depended on how much one disliked him). He had workedwith her for several years, including her UN years, and is said tohave brought to the State Department podium her familiarcharacteristics — mostly tough, often abrasive and many a times,plain insolent.

He was not exactly popular among reporters — and even among many ofhis State Department colleagues — and readily conceded that theadministration and the press had arrived at an adversarialrelationship.

“We have entered an era where in which the government seems mostly ina defensive crouch against the media onslaught,” he once said,blaming it on the advent of the 24-hour news cycle and the constantdemand for new information that engendered “gotcha” journalism. Forinstance, he claimed that when he spoke of the “small carrot” forSaddam Hussein, the follow-up line on the “big stick” being readiedfor him was not reported.

Indian officials were not greatly enamoured of him either. They saidRubin was at his boorish best in the aftermath of the May 1998nuclear tests when he made several abrasive comments, virtuallyaccusing India of lying and cheating on the nuclear issue.

In fact, the Indian Government took the extraordinary step of publicly rebuking him and taking up his outbursts with the Clinton administration. This was after Rubin said Home Minister L K Advani’s statements were “foolishly and dangerously” increasing tensions with Pakistan. He often mocked India’s claim to a Security Council seat and once said India’s nuclear tests had damaged for all time India’s political standing and economic future.

Following the spat, his remarks were more tempered. In recent days,the steady and gradual decline of his boss’s influence in foreignpolicy making, and the subsequent ascent of the White House NationalSecurity Council, diminished his offensive against India. He wasmostly not heard from or heard about during President Clinton’s visitto the subcontinent, with White House spokesman Joe Lockhart takingthe lead role.

Rubin’s 1998 marriage to CNN’s Christiane Amanpour following a torridromance (“If you walked between them, you could get burned. It’s azoning violation,” one of their friends had joked) was the talk ofWashington that year. Amanpour, a peripatetic journalist who someonesaid “needs an airport lounge more than a residence,” is currentlyenjoying motherhood in London.

Rubin’s replacement starting next week is Richard Boucher, a careerdiplomat who was the State Department deputy spokesman and spokesmanbetween 1989-93. Boucher is said to be the very antithesis of Rubin –forthright, friendly, and open. Reporters covering the beat arehoping that he will restore relations.