The crisis in the Delhi unit of the BJP underscores the inability of the party to come to terms with the phenomenon of ambition getting the better of its leaders. Needless to say, Madanlal Khurana's resignation from the post of vice-president of the BJP to protest against its decision not to disturb Delhi Chief Minister Sahib Singh Verma does not redound to the credit of the party. This is more so when it claims to be a party of principles, with disciplined cadres. It is a mere coincidence that on Thursday, when the decision on the Delhi Chief Ministership was announced, the influential MP from Nagpur, Banwarilal Purohit, felt compelled to resign from Parliament. To dismiss these cases as isolated instances of indiscipline is to overlook the problems of growth the party faces today. The BJP is no longer perceived as a party struggling for power in the unforeseeable future. Far from that, it is seen as a party which is on the threshold of attaining power at the Centre. Significantly enough, factionalism is rampant only in states where the party is already in power or where power is within its grasp, and not in a state like Kerala where it is yet to open its account in the state Assembly. For much the same reason, the BJP is unable to tackle indiscipline with an iron hand as it fears it may endanger its own prospects of grabbing or retaining power. Otherwise, it would not have gone in for a compromise with Shankersinh Vaghela, which only emboldened him to chart out an independent course. Similarly, the BJP appeared in poor light when it kowtowed to the pressure tactics of Sikander Bakht, who refused to attend office as Union Minister in the short-lived BJP Government till he was given the ministry of his choice. It was proof, if at all any proof was needed, that the craze for power and pelf was not the preserve of Congressmen alone.The argument that partymen who are steeped in the traditions of the Sangh Parivar are a disciplined lot stands exposed. The struggle for supremacy in the Madhya Pradesh unit of the BJP is no less serious than that of the Congress. Perhaps, compared to the veterans, the BJP's neo-converts are far more disciplined notwithstanding the uneasiness of Purohit. As the BJP's search for newer and newer vote banks continues in its bid to close the numerical gap that prevents it from capturing power, the various sectional interests in the party know the limitations of the leadership in enforcing discipline. Thus Sahib Singh Verma is not just another BJP leader who can be pushed around. He is also seen as a leader of the Jats, whose removal from power can antagonise the BJP's Jat vote bank not only in Delhi but also in the contiguous states of Haryana, Rajasthan and U.P. If today Kalyan Singh considers the U.P. chief ministership as his birthright, it is because he is perceived as the leader of the backward classes whom the party can ill afford to ignore.What all this implies is that identification with the party alone is now insufficient to advance a person's career in the BJP. He or she must have the ability to win votes, at least of his or her own caste, if not anyone else's. Since the party is keen to cash in on the caste and other affiliations of its leaders, it must also be prepared to pay a price for it. It is the inevitable fall-out of the Congressisation of the BJP.
